Our Own Guantanamo Bay

When Gambians should reflect on the very dark days of the AFPRC/APRC regime, they will find in "the revolution" an epoch seething with rage, plunder and recklessness. The Gambian people are being so cruelly held to ransom by a gang of brutal and blood thirsty politicians who employ any means necessary to stay in power despite the deleterious effect their rule may have on the lives of the people.

Since coming to power in 1994, the Jammeh regime has committed gross human rights abuses against innocent Gambians it has sworn to protect. Utter disregard for the rule of law and of democracy have led to a situation of uncertainty. A torrent of arrests, torture and sudden disappearances have left Gambians more confused by the uncertain direction of a revolution which is supposedly guided by President Jammeh in his "wisdom and magnanimity as the saviour of The Gambia".

In the name of national security, the Jammeh regime ignores the constitutional provisions on the rights and freedoms of the citizenry and trampled the rights of defendants underfoot. For Jammeh, security and justice don't go together.

Despite the return of the country to civilian rule, the regime is yet to repeal draconian laws it enacted during the transition that gives the NIA and the secretary of state for the Interior broad power to detain individuals indefinitely without charge in the interest of national security. It has also not repealed Decree 45, which abrogates constitutional safeguards against arbitrary search and permits search and seizure of property without due process. The NIA is using these laws to arrest and detain people arbitrarily as well as tap phone lines of opponents and critics of the regime without warrant.

The NIA, which is responsible for protecting state security, collecting intelligence, and conducting covert investigations, centres its works on journalists and opponents of the regime. It arrest, detain and torture journalists and opposition figures who write or say things that are deemed critical of the president and his regime. Its headquarters on Marina Parade directly opposite the Supreme Court, is use as the base to torture and mistreat critics of the regime.

The NIA officers with the blessings of Jammeh, are above the law and do anything they wish in the name of the President. For them, the interest of the president comes before the country and they don't give a monkey to the laws of the land in dealing with cases involving journalists and opponents of the regime. Anyone who is against the regime is seen as an enemy. An enemy that should be buried six-feet deep. And as a result, the bodies of many young Gambians are today decomposing in marked and unmarked graves across the country. Their lives have been cut short and their families torn apart because they got the balls to oppose a dictatorial regime.

The NIA headquarters is the Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib of the Gambia. It is the place where many Gambians are arbitrarily detained and torture in the name of national security. And in this piece of PK's Beef, I have listed below some cases of torture meted out to Gambians by their own brothers at the NIA headquarters. Please read on.

On June 8, 1997, several UDP supporters attending a congress in Brikama were arrested by the police who declared the congress illegal. The men, Shyngle Nyassi, Wasa Janneh, Sarjo Kunjang Sanneh, Dodou Sanyang and others were transferred to the NIA headquarters where they were detained. Immediately after their release, the victims spoke to the press and showed evidence of the injuries sustained as a result of being beaten with heavy whips while being forced to crawl on their hands and knees before security officials. There were also allegations that water cannon had been used on them and that one victim, Dodou Sanyang, had been burned on his genitals. Despite reporting the alleged beatings to the authorities, the matter was never investigated.

In 1997 former Army lieutenants, Lamin Jarju, LF Jammeh and Copral Alieu Bah, who were arrested in connection with the Kartong military attack revealed that they were tortured while being interrogated at the NIA headquarters. Although the state has denied such allegations, bruises and swellings were visible on their faces when they were paraded on national TV.

In 2000, Lt Landing Sanneh, former State House commander, who was arrested on alleged treason charges alleged that he was tortured by soldiers and NIA officers while being interrogated at the NIA headquarters. Sanneh alleged that the officers threatened to blow his brain if he failed sign a statement implicating him to a coup plot.

In June 2000, Ebrima Barrow, a civilian who was remanded at the Mile Two Prisons on treason charges, was transferred to the NIA headquarters where he was tortured. Barrow alleged that the NIA officers beat and applied electric shocks on his private parts and had sustained serious injuries which include a broken jaw and teeth.

Early in 2001, Dodou Kasa Jatta, a UDP sympathiser was arrested and detained at the NIA headquarters after writing an article in The Independent, which was critical of the regime. Mr Jatta revealed that he was beaten with batons and cables by NIA officers while in detention. Despite protest by the UDP secretariat, the authorities failed to investigate the matter.

In April 2001, Alhagie Nyabally, a senior executive of the Gambia Student's Union (Gamsu), was kidnapped by NIA officers while on his way to play football. Nyabally alleged that the officers whisked him to their headquarters in Banjul, where he was stripped naked and beaten for comments he made against President Jammeh during commemorations of the April 10 student demonstration.

In October 2001, Alhagie Mbye, a senior reporter of The Independent Newspaper, was arrested at his home in Bakoteh and detained incommunicado at the NIA headquarters. After his release, Mbye revealed that he was dumped in a pitch dark cell which was infested by mosquitoes and was tortured for many days by NIA officers, who threatened to kill him if he continues writing articles critical of the regime.

In 2002 Ousman Darboe, a reporter with The Independent was arrested and detained by the NIA after writing a story which alleged that Vice President Njie-Saidy had remarried after the dead of her husband. Although he was not tortured physically, he was dumped in a bare cell without a blanket for three days.

In September 2003, Abdoulie Sey, editor of The Independent was arrested and detained incommunicado at the NIA headquarters for three days. After his release without charge, Sey revealed that he was dumped in a mosquito invested cell and had to be taken to the RVTH for treatment after he contracted malaria.

On December 16, 2004, Deyda Hydara, founder and managing editor of The Point Newspaper, was murdered by unknown gunmen on his way from work. Although the government has denied having a hand in his murder, many are still pointing fingers at the NIA, which was alleged to have been mounting surveillance on him.

In 2005, State Guards soldiers arrested Haruna Jammeh and Jisaja Kujabie, from Foni. The men were said to have been transferred to the NIA headquarters where they were tortured before being transferred to Mile Two Prisons. They are still being held incommunicado.

On March 21, 2006, many security officers were arrested and detained at the Mile Two Prisons in connection with an allege coup plot. Some of the men Captain Bunja Darboe, Captain Yaya Darboe, Captain Wassa Camara and Second Lieutenant Pharing Sanyang, Captain Pierre J. Mendy, Captain Abdoukarim Jah, Lieutenant Momodou Alieu Bah, Corporal Samba Bah, Lance Corporal Babou Janha and Private Alhagie Nying revealed at their court marshal hearing that they were tortured at the NIA headquarters by State Guard soldiers and NIA officers. The men alleged that they were beaten with cables, sticks and hammer which resulted in some of them sustaining eye injuries, broken arms, and jaws.

Also in connection with the alleged coup plot, Abdoulie Njie, a civilian, was arrested and detained incommunicado at the NIA headquarters. Mr Njie was reported to have been severely torture for months before been transferred to the Mile Two Prisons where he is still being held.

Mariam Denton, a private legal practitioner was also arrested and held incommunicado by the NIA for 111 days in connection with the March 21 alleged coup. In July a court order was issued for her release. The government tried unsuccessfully to subvert the court order by charging her with concealment of treason; but on July 25, the charges were dropped and she was released. Ms Denton was reported to have been assaulted and threatened while being interrogated.

On March 28, 2006, Madi Ceesay, general manager of the The Independent and Musa Saidykhan, editor-in-chief together with other staff of the newspaper, were arrested and detained. A few hours later, all the detainees, except Ceesay, who was also president of the Gambia Press Union, and Saidykhan, were released. The manager and editor spent 22 days in detention and were subjected to horrific torture which included beating and electric shocks on their genitals.

In April 2006, former NIA director general, Daba Marena and four army officers-- Ebou Lowe, Alieu Ceesay, Alpha Bah and Malafi Corr were reported to have been tortured and killed at the NIA headquarters by NIA officials and soldiers in connection with the March 21 alleged coup plot. The government denied such reports saying the men escaped while being transferred to the Jangjangbureh Prisons but no investigation had taken place since.

On April 10, 2006 Lamin Fatty, a reporter with The Independent, was arrested by the NIA. He was held incommunicado and severely tortured and given electric shocks in various parts of his body for 63 days. He was later released on bail by a magistrates’ court and charged with "publishing false information".

Also in April 2006, Momodou Lamin Nyassi, a former chief of Foni Kansala, Buba Sanyang and Ndongo Mboob all residents of Bwiam, in Foni, were arrested by NIA officers and held incommunicado. No charges have since been preferred on them.

On May 26, 2006, Malick Mboob, former sub-editor of the Daily Observer and communications officer at the Royal Victoria Teaching Hospital (RVTH), was sacked and arrested for his alleged contribution to the Freedom Newspaper. Also, journalists Pa Modou Faal of the Gambia Radio & Television Services (GRTS) and Musa Sheriff, a Liberian journalist working at the weekly News & Report magazine, were arrested alongside Mboob and alleged dozens of subscribers of the Freedom Newspaper. All the arrested persons were severely tortured by NIA officers and State House soldiers. Faal and Sheriff were released a few days later but Mboob was held incommunicado for 137 days until he was released by a court order, without having been charged.

On May 31, 2006 Lamin Cham, BBC correspondent in Banjul and former editor-in-chief of the Daily Observer, was arrested and tortured for allegedly having links with the Freedom Newspaper. He was released a few days later after it was discovered that the allegation levelled against him was false.

On June 2, 2006, the NIA detained Duta Kamaso, a former member of the National Assembly, on "political and economic grounds”; Kamaso was said to be have been assaulted while in custody. She was released without charge on October 9 and the state is yet to explain the reason for her arrest.

On July 11, 2006 Chief Ebrima Manneh, a reporter of the Daily Observer, was arrested by two NIA at the Daily Observer premises. His whereabouts are still unknown as both the NIA and police denied having custody of him. Unconfirmed reports told AllGambian that he was tortured and murdered.

From August 26 to September 5, 2006, the NIA detained and tortured Buba Sanyang, a NADD supporter, for several days beyond the 72-hour limit on accusations of impersonating a member of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). Sanyang read a televised confession statement alleging he was assigned by NADD leader Halifa Sallah to impersonate an IEC officer and collect voter registration cards. He was released later on bail and no charges were ever brought against him and his case did not go to trial.

On September 18, 2006, Kanyiba Kanyi, a staff of the Christian Children’s Fund (CCF), was arrested at his home in Bontho, Kombo East, by NIA officers. And despite a High Court order for his release, the state is yet to release him.

On December 8, 2006, former deputy director-general of the NIA, Alieu Singhateh, and former director of external relations of the NIA, Kemo Balajo, were released after prolonged detention on charges of concealment of treason in relation to the March 21 coup plot. The two were said to have been mistreated and threatened by NIA officers and State Guard soldiers while being interrogated at the NIA headquarters. They were denied access to lawyers for several months.

On July 8, 2007, former police commissioner Ebrima Camara and army sergeant Buba Mendy were released without charge after being arrested in April 2006 on suspicion of involvement with the coup plot. There are unconfirmed reports that they were tortured while being interrogated at the NIA headquarters.

On October 12 2007, Tamba Fofana was released without charge after being arrested in September 2006 on accusations of "anti state" activities. He was reported to have been tortured by the NIA, which had denied knowledge of his whereabouts despite a court order in December 2006 to release him.

On October 12 2007, Ousman Jatta, who had been held incommunicado since September 2006, was released from detention following a third high court order for his release on June 5. Jatta was rearrested twice in 2006 without charge for expressing views in disagreement with the government. He was first held at the NIA headquarters before being moved to various police stations in the provinces.

On December 27, detainees Foday Barry and Abdoulie Kujabi, arrested in April 2006 in connection to the coup plot, were released unconditionally, and their charges were dropped without explanation. Both men were reported to have been tortured by the NIA.

As the cases of torture catalogued above are never investigated by the Jammeh regime, there is little hope that the barbarism that has invaded our lives is going to be over anytime soon.

Excuse me Dida!

My attention has been drawn to an open letter Dida Halake, managing editor of the Daily Observer, wrote to the president of the Gambia Press Union (GPU), Ndey Tapha Sosseh, which was published in the April 28th edition of his newspaper.

Responding to a letter sent to the Observer earlier by Ms Sosseh, which was putting them in the picture about the activities of the press union; Dida Halake went on a rampage, making childish and unnecessary attacks on Gambian journalists and the press union, which he described as a political union.

I never wanted to waste my precious time responding to such baseless and childish criticisms levelled against Gambian journalists and the press union as they would give Mr. Halake the prominence he does not deserve. However, after Mr. Halake reproduced the same letter in the May 12 edition of the Observer in response to Swaibou Conateh, I was left with no choice but to react.

Dida's attacks expose his ignorance, arrogance, pettiness and above all, lack of understanding to the journalism profession. Gambian journalists like all responsible journalists around the globe, have a responsibility to keep governments accountable. And it would be very unprofessional and unethical if they should ignore the sufferings and above of all, gross violations of the people's rights by President Jammeh and his associates.

The Gambia Press Union is a pressure group set up ages ago to defend the interest of Gambian journalists, who have for the past 13 years been subjected to all forms of harassment, censorship, arrest, torture and even murder in the hands of the Jammeh regime. And as a responsible pressure group, the GPU cannot sit and fold its hands while the Jammeh regime embarks on its evil policies of silencing the freedom of expression.

The GPU and its members are not interested in political office. They do not also regard themselves as enemies of Yahya Jammeh and his government. They see themselves as partners in development.

Dida's efforts to undermine the press union is known to every Gambian. And he has to realise that no matter what negative tactics he employs, the GPU shall always remain an independent institution that will never bow down to Yahya Jammeh and his evil regime.

As a non-member of the press union, it is flabbergasting to see Mr. Halake make demands for the resignation of elected executive of the union. The GPU executive members were elected by registered members of the union and if Dida Halake is not happy with the decision of the GPU members, then he should go fly like a kite. Is Dida calling the election unfair because GPU members voted against the candidate they put up against Ndey Tapha? I believe that he would be singing a different song if Mr. Sawaneh had won the election.

Another thing Dida Halake needs to understand is that, GPU elections are transparent. Members of the union cast their votes to whosoever they wish without giving a toss who the person is or which institution he works for. Ebrima Jaw Manneh and Lamin Dibba were not voted into the executive because they were not the choice of the union members, period!

Sacking Buya Jammeh for refusing to resign his GPU post was again childish on the part of Mr. Halake. Buya was not a staff of the Observer. He was a freelancer, meaning the Observer was only buying stories from him as there was no contractual agreement between them. But how can he understand this basic journalism term when he is not a journalist. Journalism goes beyond being able to read and write. No wonder that is why Dida Halake is struggling 24 hours a day to produce a newspaper worth reading.

The Gambia Press Union sees all media houses irrespective of their editorial policy as one family. This is why it does not discriminate against media houses, and if Mr. Halake does not want the Observer and its members of staff to be part of the union, then that is their bread and butter. But one thing they need to understand is that the GPU does not need them. It will continue to survive with or without them.

Like I said in the past, Gambian journalists are the most patriotic Gambians alive today. We love our country so much. That is why we are standing on the way of a brutal dictator who wants to transform the country into his personal kingdom. Which progressive government have Mr. Halake seen that torture and even kill its own citizens for its own selfish interest? Which visionary leader has Mr. Halake seen in this 21st Century who kidnap his own citizens and detain them as long as it suites him? Well maybe that's the type of leadership he have in his native Ethiopia.

Mr. Halake's excuse on why the Daily Observer is keeping a tight lip on the disappearance of its own reporter, Chief Ebrima Manneh is very pathetic. Chief Manneh is a Gambian and if his arrest has anything do with national security as Mr. Halake is trying to make us believe, then why the hell is he never taken to any court of law. The Gambian courts are empowered by the 1997 constitution to hear all cases from civil to criminal and the Jammeh regime have no excuse for denying him justice. There is no responsible media house in the world that will turn a blind eye to a serious case like that of Chief Manneh.

How disgraceful is for the Observer to ignore the plight of its own staff, who gave all he could for the success of the company? Refusing to publish even a single article in support of Mr. Manneh is not what we call responsible journalism. That is gross irresponsible journalism.

Another issue that I cannot ignore is Mr. Halake's portrayal of GPU members as opportunities, who just abscond when they are sent abroad. That is just ridiculous. The GPU has since its inception sent its members to countries like the US, United Kingdom, Israel, Taiwan, Egypt among others and despite the persecution in the Gambian none of them have ever failed to return home after the end of their trip.

The lady Mr. Halake is accusing of absconding while covering the 2001 US election never absconded. Her name is Isatou Jaiteh. I worked with her at The Independent Newspaper. Isatou never went to the US on behalf of the GPU. She went on behalf of The Independent. She returned to the Gambia together with Sheriff Bojang immediately after the elections. Isatou went back to the US about a month later to study international relation and I can still confirm to you that she is doing well with her education. So there you go Mr. Halake, get your facts rights.

Talking about absconding, how many members of staff of the Observer have over the years failed to return to the country while representing the newspaper. What about its sports reporter (name withheld), who absconded in Peru during the Fifa U-17 World Cup? What about Mr. Y (name withheld) who absconded while on a coverage in Taiwan among others? What about the Agriculture columnist (name withheld) who went to Paris and never returned?

Mr. Halake should grow up and stop playing this childish game. How sad it is to see someone of Dida's age making such silly and irresponsible statements on a newspaper.
Mr. Halake need to hold is breath. He knows nothing about journalism and as a result he cannot lecture us anything about the profession. The journalism he is practicing at the Observer is nothing but gutter journalism. He cannot distinguish between Jammeh's interest and national interest and in his desires to please his masters, he continues to shamelessly print unbalance and one sided stories that are not even news worthy. Dida's lack of understanding of journalism has made him believe that responsible journalism is about singing praises for bloody tyrants. That is just idiotic.

I rest my case.

Party with the People's Tour

As Gambians endure yet another terrible year epitomised by skyrocketing prices of basic commodities like rice, bread, and oil, President Yahya Jammeh last Monday began his annual country-wide tour. The Dialogue with the People's Tour, which is estimated to cost the poor tax payers over 1.5 million Dalasis, is aimed among other things to enable the President to communicate directly with the local people about issues affecting them.

However, over the previous years, Jammeh has used the tour to fool the Gambian people about the achievements of his government as well as portray himself as the only true Gambian who is capable of governing the country. This time round, as the country is facing an economic uncertainty, which is making it difficult for the ordinary man in the street to put a decent meal on the table as a result of his incompetence and above all, lack of interest to the welfare of Gambians, it would be very interesting to see what news the flamboyant dictator has for the starving population.

But does he really have any pleasant news to tell the poverty stricken Gambians, who are really finding it difficult to put food on the table? The situation in the country is fast becoming unbearable and if drastic actions are not taken, the average Gambian would end up starving to death. Hey am not talking bollocks. I' m dead serious.

A story published last week by Foroyaa Newspaper shows the true picture of the reality on the ground. The story, which was based on woman's account on how much it cost to prepare a decent benachin states: "1 kilo of meat and bone is D75.00; 6 cups of rice is D21.00; 3 cups of oil is D21.00, pepper D10.00; tomato, D10.00; tomato paste D10.00; cabbage, D10.00; bitter tomato, D5.00; garden egg, D5.00; a delicacy called yate, D5.00, firewood, D10.00. The total cost of the lunch is D189.00. The family’s breakfast requires 6 small loafs of bread which cost D18.00, 1 egg for each bread gives a total cost of D30.00, oil to fry the egg costs D7.00 per cup, onion costs D2.00 and pepper D2.00 giving a total cost of D65. Hence breakfast plus lunch would cost a sum of D254.00. This represents only 2 meals a day."

If we are to go by the above market prices of basic commodities, then many Gambians will soon be departing to the land of see me no more as a result of malnutrition. The current prices of commodities means that poor Gambians earning less than D5,000 will have to spend D7, 620 a month in order to put decent food on the table. And don't forget, electric, water, rent and transportation hasn't even been mentioned. How on earth will they survive?

And in this period of hardship and sufferings, what was expected of the President was for him to listen attentively to the cries of the starving population many of whom are living on less than one US Dollar a day and devise modalities of how to improve their conditions. Instead, all what I see on his itinerary is party, party and party. I would therefore be correct to state that the tour is not for Jammeh to discuss with people, but for him to party with them and therefore the name of the tour should be changed from Dialogue to Party with the People's Tour.

Staging grand parties for starving people to celebrate elections won months ago can again be seen as a waste of money. It also shows that the President being the richest Gambian does not give a monkey to the suffering and hardship Gambians are going through in their everyday life. Of course, he is far from touch with the electorates as he relies on his sycophants, who tell him ear-pleasing things that everything is alright. Yeah, Gambia no problem; Gambia no problem my back. The Gambia is full of problems. From Banjul to Basse and Kartong to Koina, people are complaining in low tones about how things are spiraling out of control. Except may be in Kanilai, which is now the bread basket of Western Division.

What benefits are Gambians going to derive from such grand parties? Gathering thousands of men and women, young and old to eat benachin and dance to Ucass Sedhiou Band, Jaliba Kuyateh, Afinjang and traditional music all night long is not what we want in this crucial moment. Now is not the time for idleness but the time for work and if Jammeh is not ready to work then, let him pack his bags.

We pride ourselves as Muslims who are ever willing to die in defence of our religion, yet we continue to do things that contradict our religion. Where are the likes of Imam Fatty, Banding Drammeh and other Alhajis and Oustaces who are always on the radios and television discouraging people from watching Nigerian movies, Maria de Los Angeles and using contraceptives? Why are they all scared of telling Jammeh the bitter truth?

I have stated it over and over and I will repeat here again that the Jammeh regime does not have any sense of direction. It is lost in its track. The President is more confuse than ever and it would be better if he exit from power and continue with his medical breakthrough of curing HIV/Aids, barren women, impotent men, ulcer, diabetic, stroke among others.

President Jammeh needs to wake up and see the light. He needs to lower his grace and pride and listen to his critics. His policies and programmes are taking the country nowhere. His Vision 2020 is only good in paper but will never be attained putting into consideration the way and manner in which he is governing the country. He may take pride in the number of projects his government has built over the past years but that has not in anyway make the Gambia a better place nor improve the living conditions of Gambians.

Take for instance, while the building of so many junior and senior secondary schools by the Jammeh regime is good, yet it has not brought quality education to students. All these schools lack equipped libraries, science labs and good teachers and as a result, our education system is sinking down the drain with students producing very, very poor examination results. And instead of dishing out thousands if not millions of Dalasis in A4 size envelopes for students to organise parties, the money could be better spent on text books and other essential education materials to enable the students pass their exams.

Our health centres are being persistently hit with drug shortages. They have failed to solve the health problems of the people. A larger majority of Gambians now go to private health centres and pharmacies which are better equipped for treatment. More and more Gambians are dying from preventable diseases like malaria. The infant mortality rate is still high and as a result of poor planning, the Gambian tax payer is shouldering the repayment of the loans used to build these hospitals while they are getting little or no benefits from them.

Our agricultural sector is the worst affected. Poor government policies have wrecked our once happy farming communities. There is no good market for their groundnut and for the past couple of years farmers have to sell their nuts on credit bases which takes them several months before they lay hands on their monies. An average farmer earns less than D5,000 a year.

Despite our fertile lands, Gambians are yet to be self-food sufficient. We are a hungry nation, a starving population for that matter. And without any proper and effective agricultural policies, Gambians will continue to import rice at high prices. Jammeh should be manly enough to accept his failures. Our dying farming sector is not due to the laziness of Gambian men. Gambian men have never been lazy. They are real hard workers, who should be applauded instead of being insulted. Calling them lazy is a great disrespect on the part of Jammeh.

Jammeh needs to know that the Gambia can only be self-food sufficient through mechanised farming. Agricultural farms like, Radiville Farm and YAMS Agricultural Enterprise needs to be supported by the government. Their produce if sold locally would save the country millions of Dalasis in imports.

Jammeh has to stop the wastage of tax payer's money. Gambians are unfairly over-taxed and their taxes should be better spend on worthy and productive causes. Alleviating poverty, which is threatening the people, is what we want Jammeh and his cronies to do. What Jammeh got to know is that, poverty breeds crime and instability. Gambians are being push and push to the wall and the government needs to solve their problems NOW before it is too late. This was case in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Niger you name it and government should learn from those lessons.

Misinformation Campaigns and Ethnic Incitements

When tribalist journalists like Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza of Radio Television Libres des Mille Collines, RTLM and Hassan Ngeze of Kangura Newspaper received long prison sentences for their role in the Rwandan genocide, many have thought that it would serve as a lesson to other journalists around the world who hide behind the profession to poach at others simply because they belong to a different tribe, race or religion.

Over the past few days, the Freedom Newspaper has been releasing lists of Gambians working both in the private and public sector whom it identified as Jolas appointed by President Jammeh. As a Gambian, I have tried to ignore responding to such a sensitive topic in order to avoid being called a tribalist. But the time has come when I cannot turn a blind eye to certain tribalist comments in the articles that could incite tribal hatred among Gambians. Tribalism, like racism is such a sensitive issue and journalists must be careful of what to publish or broadcast in our various media outlets.

I am not having a go at Mr Mbai and the Freedom Newspaper for publishing such articles. He has a right to publish anything he wants under the sun. But journalism goes with responsibility. That is why professionals like Kevin Marsh of the BBC's Today Programme expressed the need for a profession built on values; fairness, impartiality, open mindedness, inclusivity. The public deserves – and our system needs – journalists who read from both sides of the balance sheet and who understand that a partial truth is more lethal than a blatant untruth.

In this 21st century, it is beyond believe that we still continue to look at each other as Jolas, Mandinka, Wollof, and Fula and not as Gambians. This is very unfortunate. And what makes it more unfortunate is the decision of Freedom Newspaper to name these men and women serving their country whose only crime is to belong to the Jola tribe.

Looking at the way the Freedom Newspaper is portraying things in the country, it make one believe that the Gambian civil service is dominated by Jolas. This is far from reality. In fact some of the people identified as Jolas are not Jolas. Having a surname like Jarju, Jammeh, Camara, Sanyang et cetera, does not in anyway make you a Jola. It is the same with Wollof and Serers. Take for instance; Pa Kalifa Sanyang is a Mandinka from Faraba Banta. Fatim Badjie does not even know what is how are you in Jola. Susan Waffa Ogoo is an Aku. Fabakary Jammeh of the National Lottery is a Mandinka.

Another thing I cannot comprehend is the tribalist way Mr Mbai plays with his news headlines and intros. Just take a look at this: “Western Region Governor Abdou FM Badjie Fired!!! Another Jolla Takes Over Brikama!! Western Region Governor Abdou FM Badjie has been sacked with immediate effect, the Freedom Newspaper, can authoritatively reveal. Badjie who shared the same ethnic group with the President has been replaced by another Jolla Lamin Sanneh; NIA Director, Arrested, Sacked And Detained!!! Another official of the Mandingka ethnic group at the NIA has been arrested, sacked and detained at the Mile Two Central Prison.”

Reading this makes me sick. And looking at the substance of the story, the NIA officer's removal was as a result of alleged financial mismanagement and not because he is a Mandinka.

Again, in trying to confuse the public by making them believe that Jammeh that is only appointing Jolas in positions of public trust, Mbai has failed to point out that Jammeh has nothing to do with the appointment of some of the people he is listing in his newspaper nor has their ethnicity played a part in their appointments.

One thing I found interesting in Gambian politics is the way we keep pointing the dirty finger of tribalism at each other. For example, a Mandinka who supports the UDP is not tribalist. A Fula who supports the NRP is not a tribalist but a Jola who supports Jammeh, is called tribalist. This is very, very unfair. If we can describe Jammeh as tribalist for having men and women of different tribes to work for him, then it makes me wonder what we think of the UDP and NRP. We have to stop this conservative way of thinking if we are to progress as a country.

I am not disputing the fact that we do have some Jolas in cabinet and other government positions. Yes we do but so too is people from other tribes. Take for instance, I will only consider Ousman Sonko, Secretary of State for the Interior, Isamaila K. Sambou, secretary of state for Local Government, Lands and Religious Affairs, and Abdou Kolley, secretary of State for Trade, Industry & Employment as the only Jolas in Jammeh's cabinet. The remaining members of cabinet like Dr Aja Isatou Njie-Saidy, Musa G. Bala Gaye, Dr Malick Njie, Momodou Kotu Cham, Ousman Jammeh, Lamin Bojang, Dr Omar Touray, Nancy Njie, Crispin Grey Johnson, Marie Saine-Firdaus, Yankouba Touray, Fatou L. Faye, Fatim Badji, Mass Axy Gye, and Abdoulie Momodou Sallah are all Gambians of different tribes. So where is the Jola domination that we are whining about?

The speaker of the National Assembly, who is the most powerful person in the country after the president, is a nonJola. The Chief Justice is not a Jola, the mayor of Banjul, the chairman of North Bank, Central River, Upper River, and Lower River Regions of the country are all not Jolas. Again where are the Jolas said to be dominating all positions of public trust? Furthermore, talking about the Jolas dominating the civil service, name five Jolas who are permanent or deputy secretaries, name one single Jola who is a judge or magistrate, name five Jolas heading the Gambian diplomatic missions abroad. The issue of Jammeh using the Jolas to govern the country falls flat on the face.

Pa Nderry's statement that: "He [Jammeh] is favoring his tribe men and women to the expense of the Gambian nation. If you are not a Jolla today in The Gambia, you are considered as a " bad person, unpatriotic, enemy of the state, the list goes on and on…..The President has undermined the country’s cultural and ethnic diversities in the name of tribal discrimination ," can only be described as a figment of his imagination.

One thing we have to bear in mind is the fact that a larger percentage of the people who support Jammeh are the Mandinkas, Wollofs, Fulas, you name them and it would be counter productive if not suicidal on his part to insult them.

The statement "prior to the advent of the Jammeh administration, we have been happily living with Jollas in this country. It’s Yahya Jammeh who is trying to promote tribal discrimination in The Gambia. He hides in the name of governance to discrimination against other tribes," is what I will call a whopper to borrow from Mike Moore. If Jammeh's ways of governance is deemed tribalist, then how would Pa Nderry describe his own antics? It’s like the cooking pot calling the kettle black.

It is true that Gambians have been living happily and they are still, but the problem here is that there are some big-headed men of other tribes who think that God created their tribe first before the other tribes. They are so conservative and never will they ever tolerate the fact that they are being rule by someone from another tribe, a tribe they deemed inferior for that matter. Every African is proud of his tribe and none of us will ever regard ourselves as inferior to another tribe. Therefore, the issue of tribalism will always be a problem as long as we don't see ourselves as Gambians belonging to one big family.

With regard to the statement: "Based on the feed backs we are getting, Jammeh has a special project on Mandingka, Fulla and Wollof army officers and other public servants. His main intention is to get rid of potential threats and replace them with his own tribe men.....Yahya Jammeh is a hater, who should be apprehended. His discrimination against other tribes is getting out of hand. He puts Jollas first, before any other tribe. Look at the way, he sends his tribe men and women for overseas studies. He denied other tribes scholarships. Jammeh is building a Jolla Kingdom in The Gambia. Gambians should open their eyes. This tribal discrimination got to stop. Let us reclaim our country back. Jammeh discriminates against other tribe.!!"

I see such a statement as an incitement of tribal tension. We need to be very professional when playing the tribalism card. This is because outrageous remarks like this will bring nothing but tribal war in our God blessed country. Talking about reclaiming the Gambia, is the Gambia in the hands of a Gambian or foreigner? Or does he want to make us believe that it is wrong for a Jola to rule the Gambia?

We have to grow up and see each other as brothers and sisters who are all progenies of Adam and Eve. We are Gambians and not Mandinkas, Fulas, Jola or Tukulor and we must resist against any thing that tries to divide us on ethic lines.

May Almighty Allah continue to shower His love, protection and guidance on us all. Amen

Compromised justice

Over the past two weeks, local newspapers in the Gambia were filled with stories about the former Alkalo of Sohm, Momodou Baringo Jarjue, who was convicted for illegally removing forest properties and conniving to fell a mahogany tree as well as charcoal burning.

The Daily Observer even went further to write an editorial on the subject captioned Exemplary in which they praise the head chief of Kombo East, Alhaji Basirou Jarjue, for upholding the law by convicting his own brother.

The Daily Observer was right when it said that what the Gambian society needs now is leaders who are servants of the people and not masters. The author of that editorial needs to look at that statement over and over again in respect to the country's leadership. He needs to ask himself whether the leadership we have in the country is that which sees itself as master or servant of the Gambian people? To me and indeed to every right thinking Gambian, Jammeh is not only a master of the Gambian people but a God as well.

Since 1997, the Gambian leader has been manipulating the country's constitution, enacting laws after laws that give him absolute powers over the country and its people. He does what he feels like and says what he wants to the people without due regards to the law. He is untouchable. He cannot be questioned by police or prosecuted for any wrong doing while in power and even after exiting from the corridors of power.

The Observer is again right when it says: "If we make a rough quantification of the causes of Africa’s underdevelopment, we are likely to find 50 percent of it, if not more, being the cause of unscrupulous leadership." Well, in the case of the Gambia, our underdevelopment is all down to one man. And that is Jammeh.

This was a guy who before July 1994 was nowhere near the property ladder. The fella was poor, malnourished and even had ratatoi. Today, he is the wealthiest Gambian owning vast lands and properties he can never afford with his mere salary. How he acquired all those riches will always be a mystery to the Gambian people. Start talking about his assets and you risk being buried six feet deep or incarcerated at the Mile Two prisons if you are lucky.

Jammeh and his associates have hijacked the country and anything good is for them. They are like the pigs in George Orwell's book, Animal Farm.

Many close associates of the president who were sacked or indicted for corruption are never brought before any court of law neither do they pay back to the state monies illegally acquired. Instead they are within months of their dismissals reappointed to higher positions of public trust. And if an alkalo who is not paid a penny for his work could be punished for illegally removing trees belonging to the village forest in the name of justice, then that gives another interpretation of our justice system. It only severely punishes the poor.

Our justice system is not fit for purpose. It is very compromising. Justice in the Gambia is one sided and the only people who face the brunt of the law are the poor and opponents of the regime. Take the case of Abdou Jobe, former managing director of Nawec as an example. The guy was arrested and charged with economic crimes only for him to be pardoned by Jammeh after some Muslim elders pleaded on his behalf. David Colley's case is another example. The guy was convicted of theft only to be reappointed as director general of our Prisons services less than four months after his conviction.

Why is Blaise Jagne, Neneh MacDoul, Yankuba Touray, Lamin Kaba Bajo and all those big fish who were implicated in official corruption never taken to court when their crimes are more grievous than those committed by Alkalo Jarjue. And if a poor local chief like Alhaji Basirou Jarjue can uphold the law by punishing his own brother, then President Jammeh should bury his head in shame. He put his interest and that of his mates before national interest and as a result many corrupt officers who should have been eating porridge at the Mile Two Prisons are still occupying public offices and continuing to milk the tax payers. What is good for the goose should be good for the gander.

The fight against corruption in the Gambia is only targeting the wrong people and that is why Jammeh's Operation no Compromise has failed. The so-called operation was nothing but a witch hunt and a waste of tax payer's money. Almost all civil servants who were sacked after been indicted by the Paul Commission are all back at work. In fact, the report has never been made public.

To conclude, I will say well done Chief Basirou, shame on Mr President.

Defending Pa Nderry
Over the weekend, my colleague, Pa Nderry M'bai got a nasty email from one Ebrahim A Jackson or whatever he calls himself. I had to laugh aloud after reading Ebrahim's mail to Mr M'bai as his writings shows that the guy's balls are bigger than his brain.

Ebrahim needs to know that while he is busy singing and dancing to Afinjang, the rest of the Gambian people are not. We have woken up from our slumber and have realised that the APRC and its leadership is nothing but wolves in sheep clothing. And while Ebrahim is still blindly worshipping Jammeh, whom he regards as god, witted Gambians on the contrary sees Jammeh as nothing but their servant period.

Jammeh is paid by the Gambian tax payers. Above all, building schools, roads and hospitals is his government's responsibility and it would be very idiotic if Gambians are to praise him each and every time he does what he is meant to do.

Blaming Mr M'bai of neglecting the carnage in Iraq is nonsense. The development in Iraq and Guantanamo Bay has nothing to do with the Gambia. Mr M'bai is a Gambian and it is his responsibility to talk about issues affecting the lives of the Gambian people.

Mr Ebrahim should understand that patriotism goes beyond supporting tyranny. Jammeh does not love the Gambia more than us and our criticisms of his oppressive regime should not be regarded as a means of trying to destabilised the country. We love the Gambia, it’s the land of our birth and we have our families living there and it is only a mad man who will set fire on his own house while his parents and kids are sleeping inside.

Mr Ebrahim, in this 21st century, it is very sad to see that there still exist young men like who have failed to recognised who they are and where they are going. You have eyes but you don't see and if the Freedom newspaper is giving you sleepless nights, stop reading it period.

Wrong signals

It is now evident that the ongoing sedition trial against Fatou Jaw Manneh is nothing but a waste of public money and above all a mockery to our justice system. The decision by Magistrate Buba Jawo to allow the identity of state witnesses to be concealed leaves open a lot of question marks.

Ms Manneh is a critic of the Jammeh regime and civil servants, more so, officers of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), who are directly answerable to the President, are the state witnesses testifying against her. The loyalty of these witnesses to the regime and President Jammeh, who was taken to the cleaners in the article, is known to every Gambian and non-Gambians in the country. And their appearance in court to give testimony against Ms Manneh can only be likened to Jesus testifying against Judas in a court presided over by Pilate.

As civil servants being paid by tax payers, the identity of these witnesses should never have been concealed. The public need to know why the identity of these men should not be revealed? Why should their testimony be in camera, thereby denying Ms Manneh the right to a free and open trial?

Magistrate Jawo should have only accepted the state's request for the testimony of the state witnesses to be made in camera only if they posed a health or security threat to the public. The NIA officers are not suffering from any contagious diseases and the public has a right to see them testify in open court. The public need to have confidence in Magistrate Jawo that he would deliver nothing but justice in the case.

Ms Manneh should never have been put on trial in the first place. She has committed no criminal offence in criticising President Jammeh and his administration. President Jammeh needs to grow up and stop throwing punches at his critics. He willingly entered into the political arena and must take criticism on the chin. If he cannot do that, then he should gracefully step down.

Excuse me Fatoumata!

Last weekend, while searching the archives of the Daily Observer, I came across a story published in its April 15th edition captioned FJC Vindicates Jammeh on Women Empowerment. In the story, the speaker of the National Assembly, Fatoumata Jahumpa-Ceesay heaped praises on her master for what she called his tremendous efforts towards the advancement and empowerment of women. It was not surprising to see such ludicrous commends coming from someone like my dear friend, who believes that her master was indeed the chosen one, sent to the Gambia by Almighty God Himself.

While she worship her master even in her sleep, as the second most powerful person in the country and a woman for that matter, my friend FJC has to stop playing political football with women. She is definitely betraying her women folks. Yes, although it is true that some educated women are manning top government positions, it would be very wrong to use that as a political weapon for the APRC. Having a few women in, cabinet, National Assembly and the judiciary should not warrant us to jump to the conclusion that President Jammeh and his regime have the love and interest of the women folk in their hearts. The conditions of Gambian women, especially those in the provinces can only be described as sorry.

They are not spared the hardship and suffering the country is facing as a result of the failed policies and programmes of the APRC regime. Gambian women especially those in the rural areas are firmly trapped in the vicious cycle of poverty, abuse and hardship from birth to death. The home, is still the place for her where she continues to suffer in silence. She wakes up at the first cock crow and goes to bed at midnight. Many of them, especially children are still being subjected to harmful practices like female genital mutilation (FGM).

As a country which is yet to get rid of the culture of silence, many rape cases and abuses suffered by women are brushed under the carpet. And while FJC had the opportunity to have come from privilege family and living a life of luxuries, many women are not. They grow up in poverty and hardship, live in poverty and hardship and die in abject poverty and hardship.

The APRC regime can go about boasting that the number of girls being enrolled in schools is increasing, yet it need to realise that a large portion of these girls do not make it to senior secondary school. Many of them are given out in marriage and in most cases they are taken as second or third wives to men far older than them. Many of them start having children before reaching their 18th birthday.

The lucky ones who complete their senior secondary education are among the thousands of unemployed Gambians at home and in the ghettos. Many of them have turned into prostitution as their only means of survival. Just take a night visit to the Youth Monument at West field Junction, Kairaba Avenue or the Tourism Development Area (TDA) and you will see young girls selling sex as cheap as D100. Some of these young girls are being abused by men, especially tourists, who nurse them with the dream of bringing them to Europe.

The Gambian women are still being discriminated at work places and many of them are being forced to offer sex to their bosses in exchange for promotion. Take a visit to the Quadrangle and you will get a list as long as my arm of women who are either dating their bosses or have been approached for sex by their bosses in exchange for a job or promotion. This is the hard reality facing the Gambian women and we should not ignore it.

Like their male colleagues, women farmers are also suffering from the lack of government interest to the farming community. Their groundnuts are not bought on time and in most cases they became victims of credit buying and as such waited for several months before they get their money.

The poor situation of Gambian women is even confirmed in an article on the State House website. The article captioned: The Situation of Gambian Women stated that: "Women have very little decision-making power even regarding their health and that of their children. This has contributed to the high fertility rate of 6.0. Women start childbearing at early ages of 15 – 16 and continue up to 40 – 45 and at short intervals, thus the reason for the maternal mortality rate of 1,050 per 100,000 live births, one of the highest in the sub-region."

Time for the old man to go

Zimbabwean President, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, is making a fool of himself. At 84, what does this old fart want again? He has been in power for over two decades but he still want to remain in power. His people are dying of hunger and poverty but he still wants to remain in power to govern who? Dead bodies?

Mugabe needs to understand that the people of Zimbabwe do not want him as President. That is why the MDC is leading in the polls.

Zimbabwe's official figures show that its soaring inflation hit an annual rate of almost 165,000% in February. Continuing shortages of food and fuel helped to push up inflation from January's rate of 100,000 percent. Mugabe's officials have even admitted that the shortages make it hard to work out inflation with any degree of accuracy.

Latest reports say 80 percent of the Zimbabwean population lives in poverty and it is estimated that three million people have left the country for a new life in South Africa. Looking at this sorry state, it would be unwise for the old man to continue hanging on to power. He has been there for too long and its time for him to exit gracefully with his head held high.

Mugabe should spend his retirement in mansion, writing his memoirs and telling his grand children stories about his revolution. There is time for everything and now is the time for the old fart to say bye to the presidency before his country descends into chaos.

So, go away Comrade.

Remembering our fallen heros

Fellow Gambians, yet again we today commemorate the brutal massacre of over a dozen Gambian school children. These innocent school children were brutally murdered on April 10 and 11 2000 by Gambian security forces, who have sworn to protect them.

Our heart continues to bleed and our eyes continues to shed tears anytime we think of the brutal manner in which their souls departed this world. These young men were not criminals or rebels. They decent Gambians like you and me, who where only protesting against crimes committed against their colleagues; Ebrima Barry and a Brikamaba school girl.

The demands on the basis of which the students went out to demonstrate eight years ago, merely constituted a request for justice. April 10 and 11, 2000 were indeed days during which Gambian students took to the streets to protest against rape and murder, with a clear call for justice to be done. Rape and murder are not only repugnant in the eyes of all faiths, but laws in all civilised jurisdictions prescribe stringent punitive measures against them. Similarly, all our national cultures in the Gambia denounce them in the strongest possible terms. As a result, one should easily understand the reasoning which led to the decision to peacefully demonstrate against these heinous crimes against the two students.

Any mature political leadership would be ashamed of the manner in which the security officers reacted to the demonstration. It was an act of brutality that has no place in any civilise society. Murder was foreign to the Gambia, a country where people almost know each other.

Several security officers including Ousman Badjie, former secretary of state for the Interior were indicted for the gruesome murder of this youths and despite recommendation of the commission of inquiry that was set up to look into the disturbances, the government of Yahya Jammeh still refuses to prosecute them. The government instead indemnified all the murderers from any criminal prosecution for their role in the killing of these children. Some of those blamed for the murder have since been rewarded with high government positions.

In other words, the Jammeh regime is saying that all these children who never had the chance to say good bye to the parents deserved to die in that brutal manner. It is prudent, perhaps, to remind ourselves that the use of live ammunition and overwhelming force on children can never be justified nor simply swept under the carpet. By failing to prosecute those responsible, the government woefully failed to uphold the rights of the Gambian citizen.

As Gambians, it is time we continue to put pressure on the Jammeh regime to prosecute all those who were indicted by the commission of inquiry. Our land has been defiled with the blood of young innocent children and it is our responsibility to ensure these children and their families get the justice they deserve. It is still not too late. Never.

As we commemorate eight years since the following departed this world, we pray that Allah subhana watalah blessed their souls in heaven.
Rest in peace our heroes, you will always be in our hearts.
Calisco Preira
Burama Badjie
Karamo Barrow
Reginald Carrol
Omar Barrow
Wuyeh Massally
Momodou Chune
Lamin .A. Bojang
Ouman Sabally
Bamba Jobarteh
Abdoulie Sajaw
Bakary Njie
Unidentified victim
Sainey Nyabally
Ousman Sembene

Its lunacy

Again, President Yahya Jammeh has used his political bureau (National Assembly) to pass two obnoxious bills into law.

I have said it over and over again that the Gambian National Assembly is an unfit for purpose institution, which is only there to serve and strengthen the brutal regime of Dictator Yahya Jammeh. And the enactment earlier this week of the National Security Agencies Bill and the amendment of the Official Secrets Act exposes their immaturity and above all lack of respect to the Gambian people.

What these APRC National Assembly Members are doing is criminal. And I will even go further to call it a crime against humanity. While many countries in the sub-region are making significant improvement on democracy and good governance, we in the Gambia are taking ten steps in the opposite direction.

The Gambian people are being strip off their rights and freedoms by an institution like the National Assembly, which is expected to defend their rights and interest.

But again what do you expect from an institution that is dominated by a bunch of secondary four graduates, who cannot even distinguish between Jammeh's interest and national interest. They blindly pass into law any bill drafted by the executive without even reading its contents. For these half-witted politicians, whatever the executive or Jammeh does is good for the Gambia. Ndeysan that is total lunacy.

The amendment of the National Security Agencies Bill, establishing the National Security Agencies comprising the Military, Police, the Criminal Intelligence Agency, Military Intelligence Agency and Special Services Agency in addition to the National Intelligence Agency is very disheartening. This is another lunacy and I completely disagree with Vice President Njie-Saidy's justification that it is meant to strengthen the Gambia’s national security against military and other related threats.

The Gambia is not under any threat from any country or people.The enactment of this bill exposes how paranoid Jammeh is. Why should millions of tax payers' money be wasted into creating another intelligence agencies when their is no real threat? That money could be better spend in equipping our schools that are currently producing very, very poor examination results with education materials, buy ambulances for health centres, provide more mobility to the police, provide fertiliser to farmers among others.

I totally agree with Sidia Jatta when he said: "the real threat facing the country is poverty of the people. The money that should have gone into supplementing efforts into alleviating poverty in the country is going to be pumped into creating four new intelligence agencies in addition to the National Intelligence Agency."

This new intelligence agencies would instead of making the Gambia safer, be used to terrorised opponents and critics of the regime. This is exactly what Robert Mugabe did in Zimbabwe. Jammeh is trying to transform the country into a police state. He is trying to set up a Big Brother system to watch on the movement and activities of Gambians especially his critics and opponents.

Already in the Gambia, people's phone lines are being tapped without any court orders, people cannot talk freely in the street without looking around to see who is listening. People cannot even moan about the high prices of commodity goods simply because they are being watch by men in plainclothes. All this madness is being done in the name of national security.

NIA officers are at work places, newspapers (both government and private) and even schools. Why should our taxes be wasted in funding more intelligence officers and units when the lives and properties of Gambians are not safe from the men in black who operate in the cover of darkness? Ndeysan, its another lunacy of the regime.

Again, Sidia Jatta was right when he seems to question the competences of our intelligence officers. Since 1994, many Gambians and non-Gambians have mysterious disappeared from their homes and murdered and their perpetrators have never been arrested not to talk of apearing in court despite the existence of the mighty NIA, CID among others.

If Jammeh is indeed serious about making the Gambia safer, he should first start by making the lives of the Gambian people especially that of his critics and opponents safer. For they are not criminals but patriotic Gambians who are only interested in the development of the country.

With regard to the Official Secrets Act, how the heck could Members of the National Assembly justify the amendment of that colonial Act which was first enacted way back in 1922 to protect the interest of our colonial masters, who were not even elected into office by the Gambian people?

The increment of the penalty for the disclosure of official documents and information is only mend to keep Gambians in the dark about the malpractices of the Jammeh regime.

Remember that this a very corrupt regime that has a reputation of lying and burying things under the carpet. It has repeatedly done things and committed gross malpractices which the Gambian people would never have known if some patriotic civil servants have not leaked to the public.

In this 21st Century, the Gambian people were hoping that the Jammeh regime would borrow a leaf from other countries in the sub -region. And rather than tightening the tight lid on information, and threatening long prison sentences and fines on civil servants, the National Assembly should have pressurised the government to be accountable to the people.

Why should it be difficult to speak to a secretary of state or permanent secretary about issues pertaining to their ministries? Why is President Jammeh continuing to treat Gambians like mugs by refusing to hold monthly press conferences, which would keep the public abreast on the way their affairs are being conducted by their representatives?

The only time you see the president, secretaries of state and government officials speaking on TV or radio is when they have ear-pleasing thing to say. The public has to rely on the Radio Kangkang who normally give confusing stories when unpleasant things happens in a government department or State House. Why should that be the case.

Two journalists spoke about the massacre

As part of commemorations marking the eighth anniversary of the massacre of over a dozen school children in the Gambia by security forces, we hereby published chilling testimonities of two journalists, Sheikh Ndow and Surahata Danso. Both journalists who were working for Foroyaa Newspaper at the time are the only two media practitioners who witnessesed the killings and were bold enough to testify at the coroner's inquest.

Sheikh Ndow

Coroner: What are your names?
Ans: Sheikh Ndow.
Coroner: Where do you live?
Mr Ndow: I live in Manjai.
Coroner: What is your occupation?
Mr Ndow: I am a journalist working with the FOROYAA Newspaper.
Coroner: For how long have you been with this medium?
Mr Ndow: Since 1987.
Coroner: What is your testimony on events relating to 10 April 2000?

Mr Ndow: Around 9 a.m., I was at home when I heard gun shots. I was curious to know what was going on. As a journalist I went out in search of information. When I went to the Manjai and Latrkunda/Dippakunda Junction, I noticed a group of people who were highly agitated. When I asked I was told that the students were on demonstration. So I decided to follow the crowd. As I moved about 50 metres towards Latrikunda, I noticed a group of people coming from Dippakunda end towards Latrikunda calling the students to wait for them. The students alerted each other and they stopped. Among this group I recognised the Secretary of State for the Interior [Ousman Badjie]; the Armed Forces Chief of Staff [Babucarr Jatta], one Mr Sarr who introduced himself as the chairman of the parents/teachers association in Banjul and about three soldiers including a female soldier.

When the students stopped, Mr Sarr introduced himself and then told students that the Secretary of State wanted to talk to them. When the SoS started speaking he said that the students should first of all have requested for a permit for the demonstration but which they did not get. He asserted to them that the demonstration was unlawful; that they should just disperse and go home; that everything was now over. Once he said this, stones started raining on him; and himself, Mr Sarr and the woman soldier all ran for safety. The Armed Forces Chief of Staff took cover under a verandah where he started
appealing to the students to reason out with him. The students insisted that they wanted to him to go with them to the GTTI to have a discussion to resolve the problem.

On the way, as we moved towards Cedar Club, some students started throwing stones towards the direction of the Chief of Staff. In one incident, one of his orderlies sustained a serious injury on the head caused by the throwing of stones. He then agreed to go with them to talk to the paramilitary to withdraw. We went up to Cedar Club and took Kairaba Avenue heading towards Kanifing. We went up to the Serrekunda Post Office Junction where we found an army truck standing and there was a young man in handcuff sitting at the back of the truck.

The Armed Forces Chief of Staff ordered for the immediate release of the young man, The students then became very happy and started chanting 'Jatta' 'Jatta' as a sign of their happiness. As a result of this, when some students started throwing stones at the GAMTEL and GRTS and the Armed Forces Chief of Staff appealed to them they stopped. And at this point some of the students decided to hold hands together round him in order to provide human shield for him.

We then moved up to the street near St. Therese's Junior Secondary School and then turned left into Kanifing South and out again at the Red Cross Cafe junction which took us to the Banjul/Serrekunda Highway towards the paramilitary base. As we approached the paramilitary base, I noticed about more than a dozen paramilitary personnel lined up the road near the Mobile Traffic Unit Office. They were armed. Students became more agitated and continued chanting 'We don't need any paramilitary. We need peace and justice'. Then between 10 and 15 metres away from the paramilitary line up, one KMC vehicle coming from the blue swerved infront of the crowd and a soldier from inside alighted. There were also about two or three ladies who were not properly dressed inside the vehicle. The women chanted 'We want peace'. The vehicle then disappeared with the women.

At this moment, I noticed that two stones were thrown infront from the back and all of a sudden the paramilitary opened fire and started shooting at random. Then everybody decided to run and the Chief of Staff continued towards the paramilitary base. I then decided to move further down on the road and stood near a tree between CFAO and Gambega. I then saw two young people, a young man in blue trousers and a young woman on the right side of the road towards Banjul. I also saw another young person lying down on the ground around ICEMAN. The young man in blue trousers tried to jerk his head once, twice and then fell down motionless. I decided to move further to the Red Cross as they were then moving towards that direction and continued firing. As the students ran for safety some tried to get into Gambega but the gates were closed and they then proceeded to the Red Cross Headquarters. I decided to move towards the Old GPMB and took cover under a tree there.

Firing by the security forces continued and I saw one security officer continuously shooting. From there I could realise that shots were going into the Red Cross. So after about 20 minutes of shooting when they retreated, I went to the Red Cross and there I met other reporters. I was able to confirm that one Red Cross Volunteer [Omar Barrow] was shot and was seen lying there. From the Red Cross I went straight to the Westfield Junction where looting was taking place. From there I went to our Information Bureau to file in a report.

Coroner: You said that you saw about a dozen paramilitary officers lining the road?
Mr Ndow: Yes, they were definitely more than a dozen.
Coroner: How do you know that the one who alighted from the vehicle was a soldier?
Mr Ndow: He was in camouflage uniform which I believe is worn by soldiers.
Coroner; Did the soldier who came down from the vehicle fire any shots?
Mr Ndow: I am not really sure about that.
Coroner: You said the paramilitary were lining which road?
Mr Ndow: They lined the smaller road on the right side towards Banjul near the Mobile Traffic Unit.
Coroner: Did you notice what types of arms were being used?
Mr Ndow: They are guns likely to be AK47s.
Coroner: Did you notice any group from other branches of the security forces?
Mr Ndow: No, I only saw the paramilitary officers.
Coroner: But after the throwing of stones you saw shooting?
Mr Ndow: Yes.
Coroner: You saw a young man in blue trousers attempting to raise his head, who
later become motionless?
Mr Ndow: Yes, he was in blue uniform.
Coroner: Did you see the paramilitary with any other gears other than guns?
Mr Ndow: Apart from helmets and guns, I did not see them with any other gears.

Cross examination by Abdoulie Bojang.
Mr Bojang: The first victim in blue trousers you saw who died, is my son. Whilst following the crowd, did you observe any guns with the students?
Mr Ndow: None of the students was armed.
Cross examination by Benjamin Carrol (father of one of the deceased)
Mr Carrol: Mr Ndow you mentioned seeing two people fell down when shooting started; and that you saw one of them raising his head twice. Can you tell me whether it was possible for anyone to have rendered any kind of help to the victims at that time? Not necessarily you but anybody?
Mr Ndow: Well, at the time there was intense and random shooting by the security forces and that any attempt to help those shot at could have been perilous to that individual giving assistance.
Coroner: Thank you for the testimony Mr Ndow.

Surahata Danso

Coroner: What are your names?
Ans: Surahata Danso.
Coroner: Where do you live?
Surahata: Fajikunda.
Coroner: What do you do?
Surahata: I am a journalist with FOROYAA newspaper.
Coroner: What do you have to tell the court relating to the events of 10 April 2000?

Surahata: On 10 April 2000 at about 8 a.m. while I was at the FOROYAA Information Bureau at Churchill's Town there was a telephone call from someone informing us that the students were being brutalised at the GTTI by the security forces. I was then assigned to go out to see what was happening. When I went to the junction near the Shell Filling Station at Churchill's Town I saw people running from the Westfield end. I then ran towards that end and when I arrived at the Mandela Cinema I heard the first gunshots.

On moving on the highway towards Westfield and on arriving at the junction leading to the Serrekunda Market, I saw a group of paramilitary personnel equipped with riot gears, holding batons and fibre shields. Among the group I could remember seeing a very tall and dark in complexion officer with a stick and was beating a school girl in a black skirt. These paramilitary officers followed the students on that road towards Serrekunda.

I then moved to the Westfield Junction where I found a larger paramilitary group in riot gears with batons and shields. While standing there some paramilitary officers started firing in the air and then the students also started throwing stones. I also realised the diversion of the traffic from Banjul as passengers were being dropped there. Another group of students was seen coming from Kairaba Avenue when the paramilitary officers rushed towards them and the hurling of stones intensified. A live electric overhead wire dropped on the Kairaba Avenue/Serrekunda Highway and I saw a man using wood to try to remove it from where it fell. I moved towards that end and then the paramilitary chased the students into Kairaba Avenue. The throwing of stones and firing intensified as the paramilitary charged towards the students.

I then decided to walk through Kairaba Avenue up to the junction of Latrikunda near Cedar Club. There I found a military truck which had some students in it at the back. Just under the water tanks there was seen a young man arrested and who works there as a bicycle mechanic. I saw him being severely beaten and then ordered to climb into the back of the truck. Even after climbing some went up and continued beating him. The truck then left heading towards Kanifing and stopped right at the junction of the Serrekunda Police Office.

While standing there, I saw the Armed Forces Chief of Staff with a group of students coming from the Cedar Club end towards us. The students were seen raising a white flag and were chanting 'Peace! Peace! We do not want the paramilitary'. When they came up to the truck they demanded for the release of their fellow students on board the vehicle. Then they were asked to alight the truck except the young man in handcuff. The key was asked for and a policeman responded that it was with one officer who was not there. It was then that the Army Chief of Staff, upon seeing a key with this police officer, forcefully snatched it and then opened the handcuff. When the young man got down the students became so enchanted and started chanting 'Jatta! Jatta'. He continued with the students towards St. Therese's School.

When we reached St. Therese's School, we heard a big noise at the Serrekunda/Kairaba Avenue Junction end. I then went to that area and learnt that there was a scene. At the scene, I saw a safe on which a security personnel was standing and holding a gas carnister in his hand. From there, I then saw and followed the Chief of Staff and the students going back from where they came from, but then turned right into Kanifing South and then out again on the Banjul/Serrekunda Highway near the Red Cross Headquarters. While the Chief of Staff and the students were on the left main road I crossed and took the right side lane along KMC. I went up to the fence of 'Babaro' timber supply company and what was the former Chinese shop and realised a group of paramilitary personnel who were armed and standing
just after the gate of the Mobile Traffic unit.

As the students and the Army Chief of Staff moved a few metres away from the ICEMAN junction, I then heard gunshots coming from the direction of the paramilitary towards the group. Then there was stampeding as the students started running towards different directions for the safety of their lives. As they scattered the Chief of Staff too ran into the Mobile Unit. The firing continued and some of the students were running towards the direction of Red Cross, some towards ICEMAN and others still towards the side road between the Mobile Unit and the Chinese shop into New Jeshwang.

As the shooting continued, I decided to go under the verandah of this former Chinese shop to take cover. It was whilst standing there that I saw just opposite me on the main highway three bodies lying on the ground. At the bracket leading towards the paramilitary base, I also saw a boy and a girl lying down there and again another two bodies were seen over there lying on the ground very near ICEMAN. The ones very close to me on the highway could be heard screaming and blood was also seen flowing from their bodies.

After a while I did not see any of the bodies making movement except that of the girl who it appeared was hit in the hand as she was seen holding up one arm with the other while lying down on the side road. Then a little while later when firing stopped I saw Red Cross Volunteers coming to the scene to pick the bodies and at which time I got the courage to come out of the verandah under which I was standing. I went and stood under the biggest of the four trees facing the Mobile Unit base. It was there that I overheard a Red Cross Volunteer saying in Wollof Omar too has been shot. I then asked him which Omar and was told Omar Barrow. Due to my relationship with Omar Barrow I immediately rushed to the Red Cross Headquarters. And as I arrived I saw some volunteers moving him inside from the corridor of the entrance at the main gate. I tried to see him but the Volunteers at the gate insisted that no one was allowed inside. I then saw blood where he was lying and moved from.

From there, I saw a group of students moving towards the Mobile Unit Headquarters and I got out to follow then. The students were shouting that they were all prepared to die since some of their fellows have already been killed. I then came between them and the paramilitary and told them to think of something else rather than saying that they were all prepared to die. The students were in that angry mood when I then saw some security officers in white shirt and another in uniform armed charging towards the students. The one in uniform and who was armed started insulting the students and when I intervened to ask him not to display such an angry mood in such a tense situation, he retorted that I should not talk to him. And when I later asked about the identity of the officer, I was told that his name is Ceesay Njie.

I also noticed another group of senior officers, among whom I could recognise the Inspector General of Police [Rex King], the Deputy Inspector General of Police and '13 Badjie' who was dressed in a yellow type of suit. I was trying to identify who those paramilitary shooting were from the students and I learnt that one Alieu and Lamin were among. Then some of the students agreed with me and we together started pushing the others backwards towards the Westfield end. When we reached Westfield junction there again quarrel started between the students and the security forces but no one was throwing stones or firing. I then decided to go back to our Information Bureau to write a report about the incident.

On Wednesday, 12 April 2000, I was again assigned to go to the mortuary where we were told that the bodies had not been released. When I reached there I went straight to the table of the man in charge of the mortuary. One old man called Pa Sarr was responsible and to whom I introduced myself. While sitting inside there a gentleman who was identified as detective inspector came and started issuing out death certificates. I could remember seeing the father of the late three year old Abdoulie Sanyang signing a certificate from the Inspector. I also remember one Abdoulie Bojang being issued with a death certificate. Then Mr Sarr saw me writing and asked me to go out of his office. I went out and he followed me demanding that I should move by 100 metres away from the mortuary and went for a soldier to throw me
out. When the soldier came to me I insisted that I have a right to information. Afterwards two armed men were brought to the mortuary to control people. Then after Omar barrow's body was received, I decided to leave in order to attend his funeral.
Cross exmanination
Coroner: You mentioned that you saw three bodies in front of you, two near the paramilitary base and two others near ICEMAN, all in all making them seven?
Surahata: Yes.
Abdoulie Bojang: While following the Chief of Staff with the students along the route, did you at any time see him use a mobile phone either making a call or receiving a call?
Surahata : You know I was at a distance and he was being surrounded by students, I could not know.
Mr Bojang: Do you think that the life of the Chief of Staff was endangered by the students?
Surahata: Not at all. The students were happily walking along the route with him.
Coroner: Thank you for the testimony, Mr Danso.
Compiled by PK Jarju.
If you have any comments about this story, please write to papak196@yahoo.co.uk or info@allgambian.net. You can also read my blog www.pkjarju.blogspot.com.

April 10 & 11 2000 massacre: What Halifa Sallah told Jammeh

"A complex situation now prevails in the country. Tremendous maturity is necessary to hold the country together. How events will unfold depends on the possibilities we create for crisis management. The country belongs to us, but we do not share opinions on how it is to be governed. What is a fundamental task is how to maintain peaceful co-existence as each pursues one's inclination on how the country is to be governed by relying on the consent of the people; that peaceful co-existence must be based on the eschewing of democratic values.

A fundamental lesson that we can derive from the momentous events is that constitutions set the theoretical basis for principles which guarantee rights and freedoms. Governments set their own limits on the exercise of those rights and freedoms. The people impose their demands on how far to expand the democratic space to ensure that the limits set by different governments, in accordance with the degree of their commitment to democratic values and the empowerment of the people, are stretched to equate with what is established as principles.

Where the people consider their demands as inviolable and the government deems the limits set as inviolable, confrontation and social explosion must be the order of the day. In order to avert such a social explosion, the principles set for governance must be those that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society. The people must make demands that accord with those principles and the government must not set limits that are at variance with those principles that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.
There is absolutely no doubt that if the students were allowed to demonstrate and given a police escort, they would have been able to contain each other en route to deliver whatever petition they had to the authorities. It is, therefore, a fundamental lesson that peace and stability are best guaranteed by openness and tolerance rather than through coercive and repressive measures," this was what Halifa Sallah told President Yahya Jammeh a few hours after the April 10 2000 student demonstration.

In a letter to the Gambian leader caprioned The State of the Nation anddated April 11 2000, Mr Sallah said the events of April 10 2000, are not ordinary developments and that the whole future course that this nation is to take hinges on how we conceive the event and what we do to address the concerns emanating from them.

According to Mr Sallah, this was precisely the reason why he maintains that the fundamental flaw of the authorities was to fail to allow the students to hold a peaceful demonstration. He added that anyone with a slight understanding of the state of mind of the students would have predicted that any attempt to abort the demonstration of Monday, 10 April 2000 would lead to undesirable consequences.

As part of commemorations marking the eighth anniversary of the student massacre by Gambian security officers, we hereby reproduced the full text of mr Sallah's letter.

Please read on:

There is hardly any doubt that events of tremendous significance are developing. The very survival of the nation is at stake. Consequently, all Gambians have the national duty not to be mere spectators of events. We have a duty to be the architects of our own destiny. Needless to say, the destiny that all just Gambians yearn for is one where the life, liberty, security and dignity of each Gambian are fully secured.

What happened on Monday, 10 April 2000 is not a mere passing event. It is a seed of national discord. If it is not uprooted, the road to peaceful coexistence and peaceful transformation of society in accordance with the will of the people shall be obliterated.

The events of Monday 10, are therefore not ordinary developments. The whole future course that this nation is to take hinges on how we conceive the event and what we do to address the concerns emanating from them. It was our concern that this matter which developed after Ebrima Barry was killed will not lead to blood-letting. This is precisely the reason why we had to address our letter of 9 April to the Secretary of State for The Interior with the view to prevent the crisis from assuming larger proportions and thus making the means to resolve them more stupendous. We have had the opportunity to follow developments very closely. We even gave outlet for a student to write reports on the developments so that their views will not be subjected to any distortion. There is no doubt that the students were most tormented by the killing of Ebrima Barry and the raping of Binta Manneh.

Needless to say, the fact that action was taken after the students expressed their determination to see to it that their concerns would be addressed instilled in them cynicism regarding the seriousness of the authorities in addressing their concerns. It was the duty of the State to reclaim its integrity by drawing momentous lessons from the Brikama demonstration. It was spontane ous. No one agitated the students. They were driven to a state of deep sorrow by their empathy. Most students became identified with the suffering that Ebrima Barry went through. No human being who allows himself or herself to put on another person's shoes can fail to be moved by a mental picture of a school child carrying forty to sixty bags of cement, head shaven, cement applied on his body and some put in his mouth. The more one nurses such thoughts in one's very being, the more tormented one must become.

Apparently, the swift reaction to maintain contact with the student leadership and the promises made to address their concerns had delayed a national catastrophy. For sometime it gave the students consolation that their action would yield the desired results. Of course, there was an information lag regarding the arrest of those who allegedly killed Ebrima Barry. To all those who received the information that the alleged killers were arrested and detained and that an identification parade had taken place to facilitate the screening of those who were on active duty at the Stadium when Binta Manneh was raped by a person in uniform felt that actions were being taken in the right direction.

The breaking point seems to have started when the students insisted on holding a demonstration. Apparently, those in charge of security felt that the identification parade and the arresting of those who have allegedly killed Ebrima Barry was enough. The announcement over the air that the file of the alleged killers had been handed over to the Attorney General's Chambers and that the State will not allow students who still insisted on demonstrating to threaten the security of the State indicated very clearly that the authorities had the aim to bar the students from holding a demonstration.

It is precisely this notion that the demonstration was unjustifiable that compelled the authorities responsible for security to try to abort it either through conciliation or coercion. In our view, what the authorities sh ould have done is to question whether what the students intended to do was lawful or unlawful. What they needed to do was to draw lessons from the Brikama demonstration. This would have enabled them to understand the state of mind of the students; that they were now at a state when they felt that they could put their liberty on the line for their rights and for justice.

This was the reality. The authorities who met them at meetings could read this in their words. Letters to newspapers reflected their thinking. Nothing was hidden. Even the Department of State for the Interior could read the determination of the students to exercise their rights which led to the issuing of the press release over the weekend of 7 to 9 April. The students did not hide their intentions. No one could say that they were puppets on anybody's string. Even the student leadership was on fire for cautioning restrain when the issue of demonstration came to the fore. The demonstration seemed to have been the zenith of the expression of a passion which arose as a result of Barry's and Manneh's cases.

This is precisely the reason why we maintain that the fundamental flaw of the authorities is to fail to allow the students to hold a peaceful demonstration. Anyone with a slight understanding of the state of mind of the students would have predicted that any attempt to abort the demonstration of Monday, 10 April 2000 would lead to undesirable consequences.

The events of Monday, 10 April 2000 should, therefore, offer great lessons. We did move with speed when we heard that confrontation had started at the Gambia Technical Training Institute (GTTI). Eye witnesses called to allege that the paramilitary forces were armed and that they were opening fire on the students. We later learnt that they were using blank shots to frighten the students. Other reports indicated that some students were arrested and were being maltreated. It was reported that the security forces entered the GTTI gates to follow the students, went to the classro oms, harassed students and lecturers and that some of the students had to climb fences in order to escape.

Apparently, the students had their banners at GTTI. According to some comments from the authorities, some of the banners even mentioned "Sopi"; that this gave them an impression that the students had intentions other than to demonstrate for action on Ebrima Barry's killing or the raping of Binta Manneh. If the situation is, therefore, examined with honesty one would acknowledge that there were determined attempts to prevent the students from holding the demonstration. It was also assumed that if a firm hand was initially utilised, the students will feel threatened and disperse. It was further assumed that the utilisation of blank shots would frighten the students and make them to disperse.

The notion of quelling the demonstration with a firm hand and that the students could be frightened by using blank shots was a miscalculation. What happened at GTTI was the spark which lit the prairie fire. As soon as some students escaped from GTTI, and as soon as the people in the area heard the blank shots, the information that the paramilitary forces were openly shooting the students at point blank range and that they were using gun butts and all the forces at their disposal to suppress the students, spread with astonishing rapidity. The slogans reverberated everywhere among the students. "We want freedom; we want justice". It was incredible. Everywhere that our people went, they could see the forces of the students gathering.

Between 8.30 and 9.00 in the morning, transports heading towards Banjul were beginning to move back. This created congestion on the Brikama/Serrekunda Highway. People started to ask what was going on. The message was that the paramilitary forces were killing students. Each began to tell his or her story. Students in transports heading towards school began to alight from the transports and congregation of students could be found in many spots.

The same situation was ta king place at Kairaba Avenue as well as Bakoteh end. Students were, therefore, surging forth in a wave towards Westfield Clinic. The whole of Serrekunda started to become a battle field. Those who were selling in the streets began to remove their goods. Those who were driving cars began to find quick ways to go and park. As students moved they ordered all transports to go off the road. Those who refused had their windscreens broken. Consequently, the whole town was swept off transports. It was as if a curfew has been declared.

The paramilitary forces, therefore, came face to face with the students who were armed with rocks which were being thrown like missiles. In order to keep the paramilitary forces at bay and prevent them from having reinforcements, the students seized tyres and started heaping them on the road and then put them on fire. These burning tyres belched thick black smoke which kept reinforcement away. The paramilitary forces were surrounded in many places and totally outnumbered. They moved helter-skelter firing blank shots there to frighten the students and tear gas carnisters to disperse the students. A running battle started with students dispersing to avoid tear gas carnisters and returning again to confront the paramilitary. Some paramilitary forces would be overpowered and would decide to give up their grounds. The running battle continued as more and more students joined in. In some areas an uneasy truce remained. In other areas, security forces were outnumbered.

At a given point, it appeared that a settlement was about to take place when the GAMSU leadership spoke with the Secretary of State and the Army Chief of Staff. The student leaders went into a transport and were given loud hailers to start announcing that a settlement has been reached. Once they left, the tension built up again.

The fact that the Secretary of State and the Army Chief of Staff, guarded by less than five soldiers, could walk on foot up to Dippa Kunda without any incident tends to indicate that th ere was a possibility of a settlement through negotiation. Even the skirmish which took place between the students and the Secretary of State and the Army Chief of Staff between Dippa Kunda and Latrikunda did not prevent the students from walking with the Army Chief of Staff after initially throwing some stones which forced them to take cover. The students and the Army Chief of Staff were able to move from Latrikunda to Cedar Club on Kairaba Avenue and all the way to Kanifing School and then into Kanifing South and then come out at the Red Cross Junction and then headed towards the paramilitary camp.

Throughout this long walk, students were shouting the slogans "We want freedom; we don't want the paramilitary". The freeing of a student, who was handcuffed, by the Chief of Staff led the students to start chanting Jatta's name in unison with their slogans for freedom. However, ten metres before approaching the base of the paramilitary forces there was firing and two students fell. Once there was firing people dispersed and Jatta proceeded to enter the camp. This is what led to the rumour that he was held hostage by the students.

The fact that the students would accompany the Army Chief of Staff all the way to the paramilitary camp indicated that there was a desire for some form of settlement. The anticipation of the students was that the Army Chief of Staff was going to discuss with the paramilitary force and the students who were present and strike a settlement. The firing of life ammunition changed the course.

As the students ran, some tried to get into Gambega but the gates were closed. Others tried and rushed to take refuge at the Red Cross Headquarters. Firing continued. Apparently, this is where people like Omar Barrow, a media practitioner with Sud FM Radio Station who was working as Red Cross Volunteer, was shot. The whole incident became a very bloody affair. Pools of blood could be seen where the injured fell.

A student by the name of Ousman Jobarteh, who claimed to be a stude nt of S.E.P. lay shot in the hand and some other parts of his body close to Banjul Breweries. Another student lay just close to ICEMAN. Another dead body was near the Red Cross Headquarters. One Ebrima Dem, Lamin Jallow, Gibi Njie and John Gomez were shot. Baboucarr Kah, a student of Saint Augustine's Senior Secondary School displayed wound below the chest. A taxi driver, Abdoulie Jawara, received gun shots while on the Banjul Highway. A dead body of a person wearing blue trousers lay near the mobile traffic station. A student of Banjul Academy with a gun shot in the leg lay close to the dead body.

The Red Cross Volunteers and others began to move some of the injured to find sanctuary at the Red Cross Headquarters. On the floor at the Red Cross Headquarters, one could find many injured persons. Omar Barrow was seen lying on the floor bleeding. He was reported to have been shot while serving as a volunteer at the Red Cross.

The news of the deaths inflamed the students all the more. Students went on the rampage. They started to collect petrol and gas bottles and moved towards different directions. One could notice that the actions they were taking were just being dictated by circumstances. For example, some students wanted to act on a petrol station but listened to wise counsel when others objected. Hence, two phases of the confrontation with the security forces proved to be fatal. The first one was events at the GTTI which gave the other students who were far away from the scene the impression that their other colleagues were being shot. The second incident is near the headquarters of the paramilitary forces when real live bullets were used.

Soon after these two incidents, police station after police station were reported to be set on fire. At the Bundung Police Station, the living quarters of the police officers were in flames. The detainees in cells were released and police station was also burnt. The vehicles that were around, even those seized by the police for one traffic offence or anot her were burnt.

At Serrekunda Police Station, the residence of the police was spared, but the Station itself went into flames. At Kotu Police Station, the residence of the police was burnt to ashes. At Serrekunda Fire Station on the Brikama Highway, vehicles were burnt to ashes and all the windows smashed. All the transports found at the station were smashed. GAMTEL Westfield Booth was burnt. GAMTEL Serrekunda Market Booth was also destroyed. GAMTEL Latrikunda Sabiji Booth was also destroyed. The Serrekunda Post Office was broken into and mails scattered. The GAMTEL Customer Service Unit at the GRTS Station was also stoned. The security post at GAMTEL, Kanifing, was also stoned. NAWEC office at Latrikunda was also destroyed. The Gift Shop close to Standard Chartered Bank was also broken into and looted. Some other shops were also looted.

Fire and smoke darkened the skies as tyres put on the main road to stop traffic continued to burn. Unrest has broken out in the country. It is in fact spreading irrespective of the assurance given in the press release of April 10, 2000 from the Office of the President that the situation was under control.

On the same day, Brikama and Jangjanbureh experienced the same unrest. The Police Station in Brikama and some quarters were burnt. Transports, stores and offices were also included. The properties of the Fire Station were completely damaged.

The destruction has spread to Essau, Jangjanbureh, Brikamaba, Bansang and even Basse is under threat. A nation wide catastrophy has emerged. Where do we go from here? The State may harden its position and utilise the language, intensify the arrest and detention of students, issue threats and treat the whole issue as a security issue which has to be handled with an iron hand. This method would only be to the hardening of hearts.

Those who observed the relationship between the paramilitary and the students at close range cannot fail to realise that real hatred has built up. This was manifested in the brutali ties which became manifest. The students see the paramilitary forces as instruments of coercion instead of forces meant to safeguard their security and freedom. The paramilitary forces are also beginning to see students as rebels who do not recognise them as compatriots.

The situation is, therefore, not under control. Hatred has never been the basis for maintaining peace, security and stability. It is the basis for yearning for mutual extinction. The security forces have explained how students stoned them. Students have explained how security forces utilised batons, boots, gun butts to beat them without mercy.

A complex situation now prevails in the country. Tremendous maturity is necessary to hold the country together. How events will unfold depends on the possibilities we create for crisis management. The country belongs to us, but we do not share opinions on how it is to be governed. What is a fundamental task is how to maintain peaceful co-existence as each pursues one's inclination on how the country is to be governed by relying on the consent of the people; that peaceful co-existence must be based on the eschewing of democratic values.

A fundamental lesson that we can derive from the momentous events is that constitutions set the theoretical basis for principles which guarantee rights and freedoms. Governments set their own limits on the exercise of those rights and freedoms. The people impose their demands on how far to expand the democratic space to ensure that the limits set by different governments, in accordance with the degree of their commitment to democratic values and the empowerment of the people, are stretched to equate with what is established as principles.

Where the people consider their demands as inviolable and the government deems the limits set as inviolable, confrontation and social explosion must be the order of the day. In order to avert such a social explosion, the principles set for governance must be those that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic s ociety. The people must make demands that accord with those principles and the government must not set limits that are at variance with those principles that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.

There is absolutely no doubt that if the students were allowed to demonstrate and given a police escort, they would have been able to contain each other en route to deliver whatever petition they had to the authorities. It is, therefore, a fundamental lesson that peace and stability are best guaranteed by openness and tolerance rather than through coercive and repressive measures.

It goes without saying that the youth movement needs to know the distinction between the political movement and the civil rights movement. When youths favour total change of governments, it is their duty to join any political force they believe would be able to bring the type of change they desire. However, when a youth organisation is fighting for the expansion of the democratic space within which they can operate to conserve their rights and freedoms, they must establish their strategic objectives very clearly so that they will be able to state their demands concretely and pursue them collectively without losing sight of their fundamental aims and objectives. They must always allow their mission to be guided by a clear vision of what they really want.

Lives have been lost and properties destroyed. Live bullets have been utilised which connotes war, for only enemies reserve the use of the means to kill in order to confront each other. The paramilitary forces, the police and other forces continue to claim that the students treated them as enemies instead of compatriots. They fail to realise that the situation is their real enemy. When one is placed in the midst of students with a baton or a whip, a tear gas carnister and a gun to suppress them, stones flying like missiles could put one in a life threatening situation. One may be tempted to use whips, tear gas carnisters and even kill. The real solution is for such a situation of confrontation not to be created in the first place by policy makers. No one on earth can condone the use of live bullets to suppress students without guns. The fact that the students did not fire any live ammunition is precisely the reason why no one has heard the death of a security officer. Of course, everybody expects that stones would cause injuries just as batons cause injuries. Live bullets, however, cause death. This is why 12 people are now considered dead.

By 5.00 p.m. on Monday, 10 April, 2000, 77 people had reported one form of injury or another at the Serrekunda Health Centre. Some were treated and left to go while many were referred to the Royal Victoria Hospital. At Ward 8 & 3 of the RVH, we met 8 people who were seriously injured. At the Intensive Care Unit of the RVH, there were about 12 young people. More were still coming. A young man was there with a bullet in his head. He may have been among the 12 people who are officially confirmed dead.

State officials should not shield themselves from such gruesome realities. The conscience of the nation must be kept alive. The day that the conscience of this nation is dead, the country will be transformed into a jungle and we, her citizens, into beasts who will feed on each other's carcass. That day can be near or far. It depends on our individual commitment or lack of commitment to the values which make us human and democratic.

We must all become outraged with what has happened and make it our commitment never to allow it to happen again. We must do more than that. We must begin a process of healing the wounds. We must stop looking for scapegoats and face the reality squarely. Once disorder starts, many elements are bound to exploit it. Some who are opposed to a government may clap for students. Others who want to loot may encourage them to destroy certain facilities and so on and so forth. The principal reason for destroying State property is simply transferring anger. When anger rules the heart, vengeance becomes a way of giving it an outlet.

Many parents are still standing near police stations to find out what had happened to their children. Many of them are still detained. It is important to bear in mind that this is not a war situation and no state of emergency exists. Under normal circumstance, within three hours after their detention, a person should be given reason for one's detention and should be allowed access to a legal practitioner. Within 72 hours, one should be taken before a court or released. Under all circumstances, arbitrary detention is impermissible. Many of the children detained are students. They need special treatment.

It is, therefore, absolutely essential to convene a committee of respectable elders and take them to the places of detention of the students so that they will be able to confirm that they are neither being tortured or harassed. They should be spoken to and released with immediacy. The country must not be allowed to sink into arbitrariness if the government does not want things to deteriorate. The committee could also seek the expertise that could quantify all the losses incurred by the police officers and other citizens and give a report to the State for action to redress the situation.

Furthermore, the names of those who died should be made public. Autopsy should be carried out to determine the cause of death. Parents have been going close to the mortuary without gaining access to the bodies. This is the second day. It is essential for the government to do everything with speed so that those who are to be buried would be paid the respect due without delay. It is already heart wrecking to receive news of the death of a loved one. Such a family should be saved from any bureaucratic obstacles which lead to more frustrations.

Armed men are still going into some compounds to arrest people. This is creating a lot of panic in certain areas. It is important for the government to eliminate this militarization of civil society and ensure that this crisis is not expanded by antagonising the citizenry. What is required is a containment of the crisis; not its escalation. Government should set up a Coroner's Inquest to find out how those who died met their death and take all necessary actions to ensure that life is not
taken with impunity.

Finally, the radio and the television should be opened up for the expression of views by the citizens of this country so that through the different positions expressed our collective awareness would be raised and peaceful existence based on democratic and human values restored. We will be making all the moves necessary to ensure that the cause of justice is not derailed and that Gambians do not nurture the type of callousness that can make revenge to be the order of the day. We must not allow our minds to be dispossessed of rationality; our hearts to be dispossessed of justice and our very being to be dispossessed of conscience. This is the only way that we can prevent spreading mischief on
the face of the earth.

While anticipating your due regard of the concerns raised,

We remain,

Your sincerely,
Halifa Sallah