April 10 & 11 2000 massacre: What Halifa Sallah told Jammeh

"A complex situation now prevails in the country. Tremendous maturity is necessary to hold the country together. How events will unfold depends on the possibilities we create for crisis management. The country belongs to us, but we do not share opinions on how it is to be governed. What is a fundamental task is how to maintain peaceful co-existence as each pursues one's inclination on how the country is to be governed by relying on the consent of the people; that peaceful co-existence must be based on the eschewing of democratic values.

A fundamental lesson that we can derive from the momentous events is that constitutions set the theoretical basis for principles which guarantee rights and freedoms. Governments set their own limits on the exercise of those rights and freedoms. The people impose their demands on how far to expand the democratic space to ensure that the limits set by different governments, in accordance with the degree of their commitment to democratic values and the empowerment of the people, are stretched to equate with what is established as principles.

Where the people consider their demands as inviolable and the government deems the limits set as inviolable, confrontation and social explosion must be the order of the day. In order to avert such a social explosion, the principles set for governance must be those that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society. The people must make demands that accord with those principles and the government must not set limits that are at variance with those principles that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.
There is absolutely no doubt that if the students were allowed to demonstrate and given a police escort, they would have been able to contain each other en route to deliver whatever petition they had to the authorities. It is, therefore, a fundamental lesson that peace and stability are best guaranteed by openness and tolerance rather than through coercive and repressive measures," this was what Halifa Sallah told President Yahya Jammeh a few hours after the April 10 2000 student demonstration.

In a letter to the Gambian leader caprioned The State of the Nation anddated April 11 2000, Mr Sallah said the events of April 10 2000, are not ordinary developments and that the whole future course that this nation is to take hinges on how we conceive the event and what we do to address the concerns emanating from them.

According to Mr Sallah, this was precisely the reason why he maintains that the fundamental flaw of the authorities was to fail to allow the students to hold a peaceful demonstration. He added that anyone with a slight understanding of the state of mind of the students would have predicted that any attempt to abort the demonstration of Monday, 10 April 2000 would lead to undesirable consequences.

As part of commemorations marking the eighth anniversary of the student massacre by Gambian security officers, we hereby reproduced the full text of mr Sallah's letter.

Please read on:

There is hardly any doubt that events of tremendous significance are developing. The very survival of the nation is at stake. Consequently, all Gambians have the national duty not to be mere spectators of events. We have a duty to be the architects of our own destiny. Needless to say, the destiny that all just Gambians yearn for is one where the life, liberty, security and dignity of each Gambian are fully secured.

What happened on Monday, 10 April 2000 is not a mere passing event. It is a seed of national discord. If it is not uprooted, the road to peaceful coexistence and peaceful transformation of society in accordance with the will of the people shall be obliterated.

The events of Monday 10, are therefore not ordinary developments. The whole future course that this nation is to take hinges on how we conceive the event and what we do to address the concerns emanating from them. It was our concern that this matter which developed after Ebrima Barry was killed will not lead to blood-letting. This is precisely the reason why we had to address our letter of 9 April to the Secretary of State for The Interior with the view to prevent the crisis from assuming larger proportions and thus making the means to resolve them more stupendous. We have had the opportunity to follow developments very closely. We even gave outlet for a student to write reports on the developments so that their views will not be subjected to any distortion. There is no doubt that the students were most tormented by the killing of Ebrima Barry and the raping of Binta Manneh.

Needless to say, the fact that action was taken after the students expressed their determination to see to it that their concerns would be addressed instilled in them cynicism regarding the seriousness of the authorities in addressing their concerns. It was the duty of the State to reclaim its integrity by drawing momentous lessons from the Brikama demonstration. It was spontane ous. No one agitated the students. They were driven to a state of deep sorrow by their empathy. Most students became identified with the suffering that Ebrima Barry went through. No human being who allows himself or herself to put on another person's shoes can fail to be moved by a mental picture of a school child carrying forty to sixty bags of cement, head shaven, cement applied on his body and some put in his mouth. The more one nurses such thoughts in one's very being, the more tormented one must become.

Apparently, the swift reaction to maintain contact with the student leadership and the promises made to address their concerns had delayed a national catastrophy. For sometime it gave the students consolation that their action would yield the desired results. Of course, there was an information lag regarding the arrest of those who allegedly killed Ebrima Barry. To all those who received the information that the alleged killers were arrested and detained and that an identification parade had taken place to facilitate the screening of those who were on active duty at the Stadium when Binta Manneh was raped by a person in uniform felt that actions were being taken in the right direction.

The breaking point seems to have started when the students insisted on holding a demonstration. Apparently, those in charge of security felt that the identification parade and the arresting of those who have allegedly killed Ebrima Barry was enough. The announcement over the air that the file of the alleged killers had been handed over to the Attorney General's Chambers and that the State will not allow students who still insisted on demonstrating to threaten the security of the State indicated very clearly that the authorities had the aim to bar the students from holding a demonstration.

It is precisely this notion that the demonstration was unjustifiable that compelled the authorities responsible for security to try to abort it either through conciliation or coercion. In our view, what the authorities sh ould have done is to question whether what the students intended to do was lawful or unlawful. What they needed to do was to draw lessons from the Brikama demonstration. This would have enabled them to understand the state of mind of the students; that they were now at a state when they felt that they could put their liberty on the line for their rights and for justice.

This was the reality. The authorities who met them at meetings could read this in their words. Letters to newspapers reflected their thinking. Nothing was hidden. Even the Department of State for the Interior could read the determination of the students to exercise their rights which led to the issuing of the press release over the weekend of 7 to 9 April. The students did not hide their intentions. No one could say that they were puppets on anybody's string. Even the student leadership was on fire for cautioning restrain when the issue of demonstration came to the fore. The demonstration seemed to have been the zenith of the expression of a passion which arose as a result of Barry's and Manneh's cases.

This is precisely the reason why we maintain that the fundamental flaw of the authorities is to fail to allow the students to hold a peaceful demonstration. Anyone with a slight understanding of the state of mind of the students would have predicted that any attempt to abort the demonstration of Monday, 10 April 2000 would lead to undesirable consequences.

The events of Monday, 10 April 2000 should, therefore, offer great lessons. We did move with speed when we heard that confrontation had started at the Gambia Technical Training Institute (GTTI). Eye witnesses called to allege that the paramilitary forces were armed and that they were opening fire on the students. We later learnt that they were using blank shots to frighten the students. Other reports indicated that some students were arrested and were being maltreated. It was reported that the security forces entered the GTTI gates to follow the students, went to the classro oms, harassed students and lecturers and that some of the students had to climb fences in order to escape.

Apparently, the students had their banners at GTTI. According to some comments from the authorities, some of the banners even mentioned "Sopi"; that this gave them an impression that the students had intentions other than to demonstrate for action on Ebrima Barry's killing or the raping of Binta Manneh. If the situation is, therefore, examined with honesty one would acknowledge that there were determined attempts to prevent the students from holding the demonstration. It was also assumed that if a firm hand was initially utilised, the students will feel threatened and disperse. It was further assumed that the utilisation of blank shots would frighten the students and make them to disperse.

The notion of quelling the demonstration with a firm hand and that the students could be frightened by using blank shots was a miscalculation. What happened at GTTI was the spark which lit the prairie fire. As soon as some students escaped from GTTI, and as soon as the people in the area heard the blank shots, the information that the paramilitary forces were openly shooting the students at point blank range and that they were using gun butts and all the forces at their disposal to suppress the students, spread with astonishing rapidity. The slogans reverberated everywhere among the students. "We want freedom; we want justice". It was incredible. Everywhere that our people went, they could see the forces of the students gathering.

Between 8.30 and 9.00 in the morning, transports heading towards Banjul were beginning to move back. This created congestion on the Brikama/Serrekunda Highway. People started to ask what was going on. The message was that the paramilitary forces were killing students. Each began to tell his or her story. Students in transports heading towards school began to alight from the transports and congregation of students could be found in many spots.

The same situation was ta king place at Kairaba Avenue as well as Bakoteh end. Students were, therefore, surging forth in a wave towards Westfield Clinic. The whole of Serrekunda started to become a battle field. Those who were selling in the streets began to remove their goods. Those who were driving cars began to find quick ways to go and park. As students moved they ordered all transports to go off the road. Those who refused had their windscreens broken. Consequently, the whole town was swept off transports. It was as if a curfew has been declared.

The paramilitary forces, therefore, came face to face with the students who were armed with rocks which were being thrown like missiles. In order to keep the paramilitary forces at bay and prevent them from having reinforcements, the students seized tyres and started heaping them on the road and then put them on fire. These burning tyres belched thick black smoke which kept reinforcement away. The paramilitary forces were surrounded in many places and totally outnumbered. They moved helter-skelter firing blank shots there to frighten the students and tear gas carnisters to disperse the students. A running battle started with students dispersing to avoid tear gas carnisters and returning again to confront the paramilitary. Some paramilitary forces would be overpowered and would decide to give up their grounds. The running battle continued as more and more students joined in. In some areas an uneasy truce remained. In other areas, security forces were outnumbered.

At a given point, it appeared that a settlement was about to take place when the GAMSU leadership spoke with the Secretary of State and the Army Chief of Staff. The student leaders went into a transport and were given loud hailers to start announcing that a settlement has been reached. Once they left, the tension built up again.

The fact that the Secretary of State and the Army Chief of Staff, guarded by less than five soldiers, could walk on foot up to Dippa Kunda without any incident tends to indicate that th ere was a possibility of a settlement through negotiation. Even the skirmish which took place between the students and the Secretary of State and the Army Chief of Staff between Dippa Kunda and Latrikunda did not prevent the students from walking with the Army Chief of Staff after initially throwing some stones which forced them to take cover. The students and the Army Chief of Staff were able to move from Latrikunda to Cedar Club on Kairaba Avenue and all the way to Kanifing School and then into Kanifing South and then come out at the Red Cross Junction and then headed towards the paramilitary camp.

Throughout this long walk, students were shouting the slogans "We want freedom; we don't want the paramilitary". The freeing of a student, who was handcuffed, by the Chief of Staff led the students to start chanting Jatta's name in unison with their slogans for freedom. However, ten metres before approaching the base of the paramilitary forces there was firing and two students fell. Once there was firing people dispersed and Jatta proceeded to enter the camp. This is what led to the rumour that he was held hostage by the students.

The fact that the students would accompany the Army Chief of Staff all the way to the paramilitary camp indicated that there was a desire for some form of settlement. The anticipation of the students was that the Army Chief of Staff was going to discuss with the paramilitary force and the students who were present and strike a settlement. The firing of life ammunition changed the course.

As the students ran, some tried to get into Gambega but the gates were closed. Others tried and rushed to take refuge at the Red Cross Headquarters. Firing continued. Apparently, this is where people like Omar Barrow, a media practitioner with Sud FM Radio Station who was working as Red Cross Volunteer, was shot. The whole incident became a very bloody affair. Pools of blood could be seen where the injured fell.

A student by the name of Ousman Jobarteh, who claimed to be a stude nt of S.E.P. lay shot in the hand and some other parts of his body close to Banjul Breweries. Another student lay just close to ICEMAN. Another dead body was near the Red Cross Headquarters. One Ebrima Dem, Lamin Jallow, Gibi Njie and John Gomez were shot. Baboucarr Kah, a student of Saint Augustine's Senior Secondary School displayed wound below the chest. A taxi driver, Abdoulie Jawara, received gun shots while on the Banjul Highway. A dead body of a person wearing blue trousers lay near the mobile traffic station. A student of Banjul Academy with a gun shot in the leg lay close to the dead body.

The Red Cross Volunteers and others began to move some of the injured to find sanctuary at the Red Cross Headquarters. On the floor at the Red Cross Headquarters, one could find many injured persons. Omar Barrow was seen lying on the floor bleeding. He was reported to have been shot while serving as a volunteer at the Red Cross.

The news of the deaths inflamed the students all the more. Students went on the rampage. They started to collect petrol and gas bottles and moved towards different directions. One could notice that the actions they were taking were just being dictated by circumstances. For example, some students wanted to act on a petrol station but listened to wise counsel when others objected. Hence, two phases of the confrontation with the security forces proved to be fatal. The first one was events at the GTTI which gave the other students who were far away from the scene the impression that their other colleagues were being shot. The second incident is near the headquarters of the paramilitary forces when real live bullets were used.

Soon after these two incidents, police station after police station were reported to be set on fire. At the Bundung Police Station, the living quarters of the police officers were in flames. The detainees in cells were released and police station was also burnt. The vehicles that were around, even those seized by the police for one traffic offence or anot her were burnt.

At Serrekunda Police Station, the residence of the police was spared, but the Station itself went into flames. At Kotu Police Station, the residence of the police was burnt to ashes. At Serrekunda Fire Station on the Brikama Highway, vehicles were burnt to ashes and all the windows smashed. All the transports found at the station were smashed. GAMTEL Westfield Booth was burnt. GAMTEL Serrekunda Market Booth was also destroyed. GAMTEL Latrikunda Sabiji Booth was also destroyed. The Serrekunda Post Office was broken into and mails scattered. The GAMTEL Customer Service Unit at the GRTS Station was also stoned. The security post at GAMTEL, Kanifing, was also stoned. NAWEC office at Latrikunda was also destroyed. The Gift Shop close to Standard Chartered Bank was also broken into and looted. Some other shops were also looted.

Fire and smoke darkened the skies as tyres put on the main road to stop traffic continued to burn. Unrest has broken out in the country. It is in fact spreading irrespective of the assurance given in the press release of April 10, 2000 from the Office of the President that the situation was under control.

On the same day, Brikama and Jangjanbureh experienced the same unrest. The Police Station in Brikama and some quarters were burnt. Transports, stores and offices were also included. The properties of the Fire Station were completely damaged.

The destruction has spread to Essau, Jangjanbureh, Brikamaba, Bansang and even Basse is under threat. A nation wide catastrophy has emerged. Where do we go from here? The State may harden its position and utilise the language, intensify the arrest and detention of students, issue threats and treat the whole issue as a security issue which has to be handled with an iron hand. This method would only be to the hardening of hearts.

Those who observed the relationship between the paramilitary and the students at close range cannot fail to realise that real hatred has built up. This was manifested in the brutali ties which became manifest. The students see the paramilitary forces as instruments of coercion instead of forces meant to safeguard their security and freedom. The paramilitary forces are also beginning to see students as rebels who do not recognise them as compatriots.

The situation is, therefore, not under control. Hatred has never been the basis for maintaining peace, security and stability. It is the basis for yearning for mutual extinction. The security forces have explained how students stoned them. Students have explained how security forces utilised batons, boots, gun butts to beat them without mercy.

A complex situation now prevails in the country. Tremendous maturity is necessary to hold the country together. How events will unfold depends on the possibilities we create for crisis management. The country belongs to us, but we do not share opinions on how it is to be governed. What is a fundamental task is how to maintain peaceful co-existence as each pursues one's inclination on how the country is to be governed by relying on the consent of the people; that peaceful co-existence must be based on the eschewing of democratic values.

A fundamental lesson that we can derive from the momentous events is that constitutions set the theoretical basis for principles which guarantee rights and freedoms. Governments set their own limits on the exercise of those rights and freedoms. The people impose their demands on how far to expand the democratic space to ensure that the limits set by different governments, in accordance with the degree of their commitment to democratic values and the empowerment of the people, are stretched to equate with what is established as principles.

Where the people consider their demands as inviolable and the government deems the limits set as inviolable, confrontation and social explosion must be the order of the day. In order to avert such a social explosion, the principles set for governance must be those that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic s ociety. The people must make demands that accord with those principles and the government must not set limits that are at variance with those principles that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.

There is absolutely no doubt that if the students were allowed to demonstrate and given a police escort, they would have been able to contain each other en route to deliver whatever petition they had to the authorities. It is, therefore, a fundamental lesson that peace and stability are best guaranteed by openness and tolerance rather than through coercive and repressive measures.

It goes without saying that the youth movement needs to know the distinction between the political movement and the civil rights movement. When youths favour total change of governments, it is their duty to join any political force they believe would be able to bring the type of change they desire. However, when a youth organisation is fighting for the expansion of the democratic space within which they can operate to conserve their rights and freedoms, they must establish their strategic objectives very clearly so that they will be able to state their demands concretely and pursue them collectively without losing sight of their fundamental aims and objectives. They must always allow their mission to be guided by a clear vision of what they really want.

Lives have been lost and properties destroyed. Live bullets have been utilised which connotes war, for only enemies reserve the use of the means to kill in order to confront each other. The paramilitary forces, the police and other forces continue to claim that the students treated them as enemies instead of compatriots. They fail to realise that the situation is their real enemy. When one is placed in the midst of students with a baton or a whip, a tear gas carnister and a gun to suppress them, stones flying like missiles could put one in a life threatening situation. One may be tempted to use whips, tear gas carnisters and even kill. The real solution is for such a situation of confrontation not to be created in the first place by policy makers. No one on earth can condone the use of live bullets to suppress students without guns. The fact that the students did not fire any live ammunition is precisely the reason why no one has heard the death of a security officer. Of course, everybody expects that stones would cause injuries just as batons cause injuries. Live bullets, however, cause death. This is why 12 people are now considered dead.

By 5.00 p.m. on Monday, 10 April, 2000, 77 people had reported one form of injury or another at the Serrekunda Health Centre. Some were treated and left to go while many were referred to the Royal Victoria Hospital. At Ward 8 & 3 of the RVH, we met 8 people who were seriously injured. At the Intensive Care Unit of the RVH, there were about 12 young people. More were still coming. A young man was there with a bullet in his head. He may have been among the 12 people who are officially confirmed dead.

State officials should not shield themselves from such gruesome realities. The conscience of the nation must be kept alive. The day that the conscience of this nation is dead, the country will be transformed into a jungle and we, her citizens, into beasts who will feed on each other's carcass. That day can be near or far. It depends on our individual commitment or lack of commitment to the values which make us human and democratic.

We must all become outraged with what has happened and make it our commitment never to allow it to happen again. We must do more than that. We must begin a process of healing the wounds. We must stop looking for scapegoats and face the reality squarely. Once disorder starts, many elements are bound to exploit it. Some who are opposed to a government may clap for students. Others who want to loot may encourage them to destroy certain facilities and so on and so forth. The principal reason for destroying State property is simply transferring anger. When anger rules the heart, vengeance becomes a way of giving it an outlet.

Many parents are still standing near police stations to find out what had happened to their children. Many of them are still detained. It is important to bear in mind that this is not a war situation and no state of emergency exists. Under normal circumstance, within three hours after their detention, a person should be given reason for one's detention and should be allowed access to a legal practitioner. Within 72 hours, one should be taken before a court or released. Under all circumstances, arbitrary detention is impermissible. Many of the children detained are students. They need special treatment.

It is, therefore, absolutely essential to convene a committee of respectable elders and take them to the places of detention of the students so that they will be able to confirm that they are neither being tortured or harassed. They should be spoken to and released with immediacy. The country must not be allowed to sink into arbitrariness if the government does not want things to deteriorate. The committee could also seek the expertise that could quantify all the losses incurred by the police officers and other citizens and give a report to the State for action to redress the situation.

Furthermore, the names of those who died should be made public. Autopsy should be carried out to determine the cause of death. Parents have been going close to the mortuary without gaining access to the bodies. This is the second day. It is essential for the government to do everything with speed so that those who are to be buried would be paid the respect due without delay. It is already heart wrecking to receive news of the death of a loved one. Such a family should be saved from any bureaucratic obstacles which lead to more frustrations.

Armed men are still going into some compounds to arrest people. This is creating a lot of panic in certain areas. It is important for the government to eliminate this militarization of civil society and ensure that this crisis is not expanded by antagonising the citizenry. What is required is a containment of the crisis; not its escalation. Government should set up a Coroner's Inquest to find out how those who died met their death and take all necessary actions to ensure that life is not
taken with impunity.

Finally, the radio and the television should be opened up for the expression of views by the citizens of this country so that through the different positions expressed our collective awareness would be raised and peaceful existence based on democratic and human values restored. We will be making all the moves necessary to ensure that the cause of justice is not derailed and that Gambians do not nurture the type of callousness that can make revenge to be the order of the day. We must not allow our minds to be dispossessed of rationality; our hearts to be dispossessed of justice and our very being to be dispossessed of conscience. This is the only way that we can prevent spreading mischief on
the face of the earth.

While anticipating your due regard of the concerns raised,

We remain,

Your sincerely,
Halifa Sallah

The Big Lie

When Gambian students took to the streets on April 10 and 11 2000 in protest of the alleged murder of Ebrima Barry and the rape of a Brikamaba school girl, the Gambia Government immediately started accusing them of being used by some opponents of the regime to stage the demonstration.

The vice president, Isatou Njie-Saidy and former secretary of state for the Interior, Ousman Badjie, went further to say on national radio and television that the shooting, which led to the death of over a dozen demonstrators started from within the demonstrators themselves since the security forces deployed to quell the demonstrators only had blank ammunition, tear gas, batons and shields at the time.

Many opposition supporters mainly from the United Democratic Party (UDP) were arrested and detained at various police stations across the country. Among them was the late Buba Samura, National Assembly Member for Kiang East. Samura was arrested in Brikama before being whisked to the NIA headquarters in Banjul. He was accused of inciting the demonstrations in Brikama, an allegation he described as rubbish. Armed soldiers were also reported to have arrested and mistreated UDP supporters in Bakau, Farafenni, Jangjanbureh among others.

Looking back at the incident, I have realised that the Jammeh regime was not honest to the public. The authorities knew about the demonstration since April 7 2000 and the killing of innocent Gambian children and wanton destruction to public and private properties could have been averted if they had acted responsibly. Instead they relied on force to serve as a deterrent to future demonstrations. They have the blood of these innocent souls on their hands and as we commemorate the eight anniversary of the massacre, I call on all Gambians to join my campaign for justice to the victims and their families.

We have to speak out. The parents of these young children are crying for justice every day and night. They still cry any time they see pictures of their children. These parents have been failed by the government as we would also fail them too if we continue to ignore their silence cries for justice. SO THINK!

In this edition of PK's Beef, I have decided to reproduce the speech delivered to the nation by Vice President Njie-Saidy, Gamsu's explanation to what led to April 10, the late Deyda Hydara's reaction to Isatou Njie-Saidy and President Jammeh's address to the nation upon his return from the G-77 South Summit for the benefit of all.

Statement by Vice President Isatou Njie Saidy

Fellow Gambians, Following the unfortunate incident of last Monday in which our school children led by Gamsu and other unscrupulous people in the society decided to wreak havoc on the whole country, on behalf of His Excellency, The President, Government and people of the Gambia, I wish to express our deepest and heartfelt sympathy and condolence to the parents and families of the dead and wounded.

It is indeed very sad and regrettable that within a period of three years, students have decided to go on the rampage for the fourth time causing untold damage and loss of property, and in this instance loss of lives. Contrary to the erroneous belief that the shooting started from the security forces on the ground, it is confirmed that in fact the shooting started from within the demonstrators, since the security forces only had blank am munitions, tear gas, batons and shields at the time. I also wish to assure you of Government's concern and primary duty to maintain the peace and stability of the country in the interest and welfare of the entire population, and for the development of The Gambia as nation.

It must be understood that a fundamental condition for development in any country is that an atmosphere of security and stability is maintained by the state. It is only when potential instability is checked and brought under firm control, and the security environment has become stable, that development programmes can be carried out and the general welfare of the people ensured.

You are all aware that within the last five years, this government has invested substantially in education, health, agriculture and other sectors of the economy. We are all living witnesses to the massive expansion of educational infrastructure and services at all levels throughout the country, including the establishment of a university for the first time, where most of the students enjoy full scholarship. This has been made possible through the support of both public and private institutions and individuals, including the establishment of an Educational Trust Fund under the Office of The President.

The parastatal institutions, in particular the Gambia Telecommunications Company Ltd. (Gamtel), have contributed immense resources towards the education of a significant number of students at all strata of the society. In fact the board of directors of Gamtel has recently approved an increase of 40% on their education fund.Despite all this sacrifice from Government and the parastatals, it is indeed very disheartening that the students led by Gamsu and other unscrupulous people have wilfully carried out such massive destruction of useful facilities, thus depriving everyone of their essential services.

Fellow Gambians, I wish to appeal to all, particularly community and religious leaders during this period of grief and sorrow, to offer prayers for the deceased and the speedy recovery of the injured. Let us also pray for peace and reconciliation, and embark on a healing process to enhance our cherished virtues of tolerance and peaceful co-existence that The Gambia has always been renowned for. In the same vein, we wish to urge the media to engage in objective reporting during this difficult and trying period.

Finally, as mentioned in our previous press release of Tuesday, 11 April 2000, the unfortunate death of Ebrima Barry has been given all the attention and urgency it deserves, by the department of state for Justice. Let me reiterate that investigations have been completed, the suspects interrogated are presently remanded in custody. The case has been registered in court and the due process of the law will be observed.Once again, I wish to appeal to the general public and Gambians in particular, to re-orientate our thinking and behaviour towards patriotism and sense of belonging.
I thank you all for your attention.

Gamsu's explanation

In his affidavit in support of the application to the High Court to release 20 detained students, Alieu Darboe, president of the University Students' Union gave a version as to what led to the events of 10 April 2000.

I ALIEU DARBOE, of Kanifing KSMD, a student, of Gambian Nationality make oath and say as follows:

1. I am the deponent herein and a member of Gambia Student Association.

2. I am the President of the University of The Gambia Students Union which is a sub-union of the Applicant (Gambia Student Association), and as such President I am an honorary executive member of the Applicant.

3. I am aware by virtue of my membership in the Gambia Student Association that the applicant was lawfully registered as a charitable organisation under the Companies Act Cap. 95.01 of The laws of The Gambia, and issued with a Certificate of Incorporation No. 264/1992.

4. I am aware that the applicant had organised a peaceful demonstration by its members to petition the Government of The Gambia for redress of their grievances over the death of one Ebrima Barry and the raping of one Binta Manneh, all acts believed to have been committed by security officers of the State.

5. The said demonstration was to have taken place on 10th April 2000 and students were to converge at the gate of Gambia Technical Training Institute at kanifing for the procession.

6. On 9th April, 2000 the executive of the applicant held a meeting at St. Therese's Middle School at Kanifing in which I was present. At the said meeting one Alieu Khan, the President of Gambia College Sub-Union, informed us that the Secretary of State for Local Government and Religious Affairs, Retired Captain Lamin Kaba Bajo informed him that he heard the applicant was planning a demonstration. The said Secretary of State told Alieu Khan that he was going to arrange a meeting for some members of the applicants Executive Committee to meet the Vice President and some Secretaries of State in order to find a peaceful solution to the crisis over the death of Ebrima Barry and the raping of Binta Manneh.

7. The meeting that Retired Captain lamin Kaba Bajo was arranged was for 10th April, 2000 the day appointed for the peaceful demonstration.

8. The meeting requested Alieu Khan to ask Retired Captain Lamin Kaba Bajo to send a motor vehicle to pick up the members who were selected to attend the proposed meeting. The venue for pick up was to be at the gate of Gambia Technical Training Institute.

9. It was agreed that we explore the possibility of dialogue with State authorities and report back to all members.

10. It was further agreed that we postpone demonstration pending the outcome of the meeting with the State authorities which would then determine our
future action as an association.

11. It was already late in the day to contact students, and we agreed to converge at the gate of Gambia Technical Training institute as earlier communicated to members of the applicant and to inform them of the new
development. It was agreed that we ask them to wait for us to go to the said meeting and give them a feed back after the meeting.

12. On 10th April, 2000 whilst converging opposite Gambia Technical Training Institute the paramilitary officers arrived in battle gears. One of them held a hand public address system and immediately announced that all students were to disperse. This was certainly not what we expected after Retired Captain Lamin Bajo's proposal was accepted and communicated to him.

13. The executive members of the applicant and myself told students not to disperse but to keep off the road and remain calm.

14. I saw the same paramilitary officer who made the announcement use his mobile telephone after which i saw him talk to the other paramilitary officers who were immediately galvanised into activity. They attacked
students beating them with batons and there was utter chaos.

15, I saw Omar Joof, the President of the applicant and Baboucarr Jonga, the External Relations Officer of the applicant arrested by the paramilitary. I was also arrested together with one Alajie Darboe, the Vice President of the applicant.

16. We were taken to the paramilitary base at Kanifing which was next door to the Police Mobile Traffic office, where we were detained together with other students. Whilst in detention all students at the said paramilitary base were beaten and kicked all over our bodies.

17. Whilst in detention the Secretary of State for Interior, Ousman Badjie, visited us and told us that he believed we were being used by some elements which Mr Omar Joof vehemently denied. Ousman Badjie then ordered our release and informed Omar Joof, Baboucarr Jonga, Alajie Darboe and myself to go with him to the meeting at the office of the Vice president. I then realised that Retired Captain Lamin Bajo had indeed arranged the meeting.

18. On our way out we heard sporadic gun shots; we saw a thick smoke and people running helter skelter.

19. The Secretary of State for Interior requested us as members of the applicant association to address students and ask them to remain calm, our efforts failed because security officers were firing at students who were in turn hurling stones at them and some made barricades on the highway to stop the security officers from advancing.

20. I am aware that no student was armed; I am also aware that the members of the applicant did not have access to arms and ammunition. Students only had stones which they picked on the road.

21. I am aware that there was no demonstration since the demonstration itself was postponed pending our meeting with the Vice President and Secretaries of State.

22. Omar Joof, Baboucarr Jonga, Alajie Darboe and I requested the Secretary of State for Interior to ask the paramilitary officers to stop firing and to retreat, the said Secretary of State retorted that the order had already been given and he was unable to stop them.

23. We never made it to the meeting and the confrontation between the security forces and students continued.

24. I am aware, and this was confirmed by the State media, that students have been arrested nation wide and some died in the commotion; others seriously injured; some hospitalised, and some still detained.

25. I have been advised by Counsel Hawa Sisay Sabally and I verily believe that students have not been formally charged before any court for any offences relating to the events of 10th April, 2000 and 11th April, 2000.

26. I am aware that Pa Alasan Ceesay, Sainabou Gaye, Lamin Jobe, Alhagi Camara, Ebrima Daffeh, Abdou Sonko and the persons listed in the schedule attached to the originating summons of the applicant are all students who are members of the applicant association who have been arrested and are currently detained by the respondents.

27. The applicant is now aware of the arrest and detention of any security officer or Government agents or servants for their role in the events of 10th and 11th April 2000.

28. The applicant is not aware of the arrest and detention of any security officer or Government agents or servants for their role in the events of 10th and 11th April 2000.

29. I believe these detained students are being held incommunicado and have not been given access to counsel.

30. I believe the healing process can only begin when all students are released and reunited with their families and friends.

31. I verily believe that the continued detention of these named students and any other student for that matter will prejudice the Coroner's Inquest and any proposed inquiry since all these students are potential witnesses. I make these statements to the best of my knowledge, information and belief.


Deyda Hydara's reaction to VP Njie-Saidy

We Want Peace, But...

The statements by Vice President Isatou Njie-Saidy and Interior Secretary Ousman Badjie called for an analysis.

In the case of the Secretary for the Interior, his statements over the Radio and the TV are different. According to the Radio Gambia report, Badjie stated that the security forces only used rubber bullets and tear gas. In the interview over the TV, he stated that they used blanc ammunition, tear gas, batons.

Now, rubber bullets at close range kill, so the use of rubber bullets could have caused death.Badjie also said intelligence information revealed that armed civilians were within the ranks of the demonstrators. If that was the case, then how many members of the security forces were shot by these people? Better still, were any of the armed men identified or arrested since they were located by intelligence operatives?

Now, we would not bother to join the speculation on the suggested identity of such people, which is rampant in town, for want of proof. But we need to know whether the intelligence men, that identified them, just stood by and allowed them to go scot free thereby failing in their real national security responsibility.

If that was the case, then those are the real threat to national security, and not the students! If those people were on the scene and located, they should have been the primary concern and focus of the security, and a special group should have been assigned the role to round them up.

Our sister, the Vice President said the shooting started from within the demonstrators. In both Badjie's and Njie-Saidy's accounts, the point made seems to indicate that these people were firing at the forces. Mrs. Njie-Sady's account clearly denotes that the shooting started from their end. The question is - was it because these people were firing at them, that the security retaliated using live ammunition in addition to the rubber bullets?

And were any gunmen hit, as was the case with several students? Or are we to believe that the gunmen (apparently enemies of the law, as former detainees, as said last night on TV and potential enemies of the state which jailed them) shot at the students while moving among them, and none of the student attempted to run away from them?

Or for those shot, were they shot from the back and, if so, what explains the reported frontal injuries suffered by the victims.Is it a case of being between two fires - with the obvious picture for all to visualise.

It is an open secret that these two statements and pronouncements did not go down well with the public, as verified in transport vehicles, public gatherings (funerals), markets and mosques surroundings. As we said in our last issue, the failure to avert the tragedy lies squarely on the shoulders of the government, and it has to assume full responsibility for what happened.

Hundreds of onlookers saw who did what. The truth must be accepted and said. When a young man is brought to a police station for stealing, his parents bear the brunt of insults and abuses from the police who place the responsibility for such a disposition on their shoulders, although they did not actually commit the felony themselves (No amalgamation please, a constitutional right for demonstration is different from stealing).

The same applies in this case - the government is the mother and father of the security forces. If the government, through its agents fails to protect lives, properties and maintain peace and security at one point in time, it must be courageous enough to accept that it is unable to govern; thus it must assume full responsibility for any situation that arises.

The need for peace and stability must be understood by government as a sincere effort to address the concerns and aspirations of the people. If concerns are not addressed, if issues are not resolved, and if no apparent moves are made openly to allow everybody and aggrieved parties to see that the principles of good governance and the rule of law are observed, resentment, discord and clashes are bound to happen. In order words, it is the government that should lay the foundation for peace and stability in the first place, by creating the necessary conducive environment.

On media objectivity, let us tell our sister and her colleagues that just by associating her in this piece, we are abiding by the requirement for journalistic objectivity. By hinting that a number of people should resign, we did not exclude our sister nor our brother Badjie: meaning that the principles of objectivity were observed. The objectivity of the journalist entails that he/she distances herself from the people or events he/she is observing (people here, are people you normally know and interact with).

And we cannot be accused of not having condemned in the most vehement terms the destruction of properties. We re-iterate our call for all responsibilities to be situated through a credible independent enquiry, for, that, and only that, could appease the wounded people. We subscribe to Peace with a capital P, but not to the "Peace by Force" slogan that some of the security forces were heard shouting to the boys and girls. For "peace by force" can only be the best recipe for disruption of the peace, for conflict and instablity!

Concerning the abuses "stupid, crazy Deyda" and the death threats, we respond that as documented, in 1994, when it was "hotter" and more dangerous as early as September, we offered our life to The Gambia. The situation is still the same, for as a journalist, we're obliged to place our responsibility to the people above and beyond loyalty to anything else. As for the threats:

Yes, a bullet comes with a frightening speed, pierces your skin, enters and explodes in your body's horizontal extremity. Small boys and girls endured it, so why not us? We are no better than them. As for the fire, it is true that it consumes you in a horrible manner. But ....you land in Heaven. So what?


Jammeh's address to the nation on the student's demonstration

BISI - MILLAHI ARAHMANI

Fellow citizens
My task today is indeed a very difficult one, as it is with the deepest feeling ever of immense distress and utmost grief that I address the nation on the unfortunate and tragic students's demonstrations that occured last Monday and Tuesday. On these two dark days in our country's history, this nation suffered irreparable loss of lives and incalculable damage to properties. Most regretable is the untimely death of 12 young people and the large number of wounded.

I therefore wish to take this sad occasion to join each and every one of you, on behalf of the Government and people of the Gambia and that of my family, to extend deepest condolences and heartfelt sympathy to bereaved parents, families, relatives, friends, classmates and loved ones of our departed children. Let us all pray that the Alminghty Allah receives their souls and grant them eternal rest. Les us also pray for the sick and wounded, to recieve Allah's speedy healing and recovery.

We must offer prayes also for the breaved and the nation, to be comforted, to have faith and courage to sustain their loss. As we remember and commit those we love deeply in Allah's care, I am hereby declaring one week of mourning, during which all flags in the country will be flown at half mast in loving memory and respect for the dead.

Fellow Gambians
I want us all to put this sad and unprecedented incident into its proper perspective, to reflect and investigate into the causes and to draw useful lessons from the experience. While I was in Cuba attending the G 77- South Summit, I have been constantly working with the government on the evolution of the situation on the ground.

Everyone will agree that the primary duty of any government is to ensure that peace and stability prevails in a country, safeguard the rights of everyone to life and property, and guarantee freedom and justice without fear or favour. My Government will therefore conduct a full investigation into the events of the 10th and 11th April 2000. In the investigations, no stone will be left unturned in our search for the truth. Concurrently, a coroner inquest will be held on the cause of the 12 young people who lost their lives in this unfortunate incident.

Fellow Gambians

In the days that lie ahead, I will be counting on all Gambians, religious leaders, leaders of conscience to held bring back the peace and stability that has enabled us to help neighbouring countries to avert the dangers of internal conflict and strife. We want to build a society whose youth will be proud of the educational infrastructure and facilities that have been made available to them. This will enable us to build on these foundations which will continue to make The Gambia a haven of peace and stability in the sub-region and Africa at large. These are certainly some of the essential pre-conditions for attaining our Vision 2020.

I thank you all for you attention and pray that the Almighty Allah continue to shower His peace and blessing on the bereaved, the wounded and the country as a whole.

ASSALAMU ALAIKUM WARAH MATULLAHI WABARA KATUHU

MY ENCOUNTER WITH FREEDOM NEWSPAPER

Freedom Newspaper: Can you briefly introduce yourself to our readership?

PK Jarju: I was born in the 1980s in Western Division and I started my journalism carer after the completion of my senior secondary education. While I may not have come from a privilege family in rural Gambia that depended so much in farming, I had a passion for politics and journalism since my primary school days. I joined The Independent Newspaper in March 2000 as a freelance reporter and a year later I was made staff reporter specialising in political and judicial reporting.Some of the high profile cases I covered at the time were the treason trial of Dumo Sarho and others, the court martial of Lt Landing Sanneh, the murder trial of the UDP leadership, the Sami chieftancy election among others,
In the summer of 2003, joined the Daily Observer under Sheriff Bojang Senior and Pascal Eze as a sub-editor and later rose to the position of senior news editor or deputy editor as my boss used to put it. While working at the Observer, I also started Allgambian newspaper with Bubacarr Ceesay which is based in the US.


Freedom Newspaper: Many readers are wondering if PK Jarju, is really okay? What makes you to take such an opposition stance against your brother Yahya Jammeh? Anything special about your opposition against Jammeh?


PK Jarju: I don't understand what you mean whether am Okay? Well if you mean mental wise, I am as sane and sober as a saint. I never drink or smoke. My opposition of the Jammeh regime arose from the fact that the regime is unfit to governed the country simple. Just take a look at the actions and behaviour of our political leadership and you will know what I mean.


The APRC regime does not have the interest of the Gambian people at heart. It came to power not to salvage the Gambian people but to fulfil the leadership's long term ambition of becoming the most powerful and wealthy Gambian period! The regime has hijacked the country and is ruining the hopes and aspirations of the Gambian people. The Jammeh regime is tearing our country to shreds. It is a regime that has seized the rights and freedoms of Gambians. It has transformed our God blessed country from a cheerful to sorry state. I see it as my responsibility and indeed that of every Gambian to stand up and oppose tyranny.


Freedom Newspaper: You shared the same ethnic group with President Jammeh. Many believe that PK being a Jola should support Jammeh come what may. Do you buy such arguments?


PK Jarju: National interest transcends tribal interest. I may have been born from a Jola family, which am very proud of, but I don't consider myself to be a Jola. I am ethnic blind and I consider myself a Gambian. If you look at my passport or national identity card, there is nothing there identifying me to the Jola tribe. All it tells is that I am a Gambian and I am proud to be a Gambian. It is very absurd for people to consider all Jolas to be APRC supporters. That is ridiculous. Although Jammeh is a Jola, but maladministration is affecting all ethnic groups.


Freedom Newspaper: How would you reconcile your past assertions on this very paper, that "President was developmental oriented and therefore Gambians should give him a chance to develop the country"? What actually went wrong? What led to your sudden change of heart towards a leader, you once praised ?


PK Jarju: Now lets get this clear. Like many Gambians at the time, I trusted the regime when it claimed that it took over the reigns of power in the best interest of the Gambian people. I used to believe in their policies and programmes and I even nearly lost my life in a car accident in September 1996 while campaigning for the APRC. But how naive I was. I thank Allah for saving my life, thereby giving me the opportunity to see the true colours of this fascist regime. If I had lost my life in that car accident, I would be looking down at the Gambia from heaven and crying, looking at the sorry state of our country's affairs. I was blinded with the white elephant projects the Jammeh regime is using as a political weapon to win the hearts and minds of Gambians. But after a sober reflection and analysis I have come to realise that the leadership is nothing but a wolf in in sheep clothing.


The Jammeh regime has lost its sense of direction and it can be likened to a ship in the middle of the ocean that has suffered a general power failure. The Gambian leadership is sinking believe me or not. The once formidable structure is splitting apart. The leadership is paranoid and trusts no one. And instead of gracefully exiting from the corridors of power, it is using force to cling on to power. Like I stated in one of my recent on-line postings, the Jammeh regime has committed gross human rights abuses against innocent Gambians it has sworn to protect. Utter disregard for the rule of law and democracy have led to a situation of uncertainty. A torrent of arrests, sudden disappearances have left Gambians today more confused by the uncertain direction of a revolution which is supposedly guided by President Jammeh in his "wisdom and magnanimity as the saviour of the Gambia".


Mr M'bai, let me tell you something about me. My parents despite the fact that they were poor farmers, used their hard earn monies to send me to some of the best schools in the country so that I can be wise. My parents knew that ignorance is a cancer and they never want me to suffer from that terrible disease. They wanted me to be enlightened, know who I am and take the command of my own destiny and I am proud to be doing exactly that. Yes, I use to support the APRC party but I am today ashamed to have identified myself with a party that has brought nothing meaningful but poverty and hardships to the ordinary Gambians. I am ashamed to have associated myself with a party whose leadership have made many parents fatherless, wives widows and children orphans.


I believe in democracy and there is no democracy in the Gambia. What we have in the Gambia is Jammehcracy, which can be best defined as government of Yahya Jammeh, by Yahya Jammeh and for Yahya Jammeh. And am I cannot support a regime that have no respect to the rule of law. Jammeh regard himself as god and he wants everyone to worship him. My conscience cannot allow me to ignore the brutality and sufferings Gambians are going through.


Freedom Newspaper: What makes you believe that Jammeh has failed? Any supporting evidence to backup your claims?


PK Jarju: Just take a look at the Gambia and you will know what am talking about. When Gambians should reflect on the very dark days of Yahya Jammeh's regime, they will find in "the revolution" an epoch seething with rage, plunder and recklessness. The Gambian people are being so cruelly held to ransom by a gang of politicians who can employ any means necessary to stay in power despite the deleterious effect their rule may have on the lives of the people.


The regime has failed to live up to its slogan of accountability, transparency and probity. It has become unaccountable, nontransparent and unable to get rid of the ills it claimed were riffed in the previous Jawara regime. This regime is worse than the Jawara regime and the once happy people of the Gambia are today living in a sad and miserable society; where a greater percentage cannot even afford to acquire a decent meal for the day. In other words, the revolution has brought nothing meaningful but retrogression, hardship, and endless suffering to the Gambian people.


What can be described as bad under the erstwhile Jawara regime is at its worst state today. Corruption is at its highest with the president and his cronies hijacking the country's economy which is squandered and diverted into personal use. The president and his associates, who were nowhere near the rich ladder before coming to power, are today the richest and most wealthy people in the country. They own vast assets and properties and businesses both in the country and abroad.


The July 22nd revolution was not brought about to alleviate the suffering of Gambian people. It was conducted by a group of unpatriotic, selfish, greedy, and power hungry soldiers who were only interested in becoming wealthy and powerful. They have become so intoxicated with power that they crush their political opponents and anyone who dares stand their way. Never do they intend to exit the corridors of power, for it is a dream come true. The national cake belongs to them alone. All those calling for a fair distribution of the cake are branded enemies and unpatriotic citizens.


While I welcome the construction of schools especially in the provinces, where I originated from, yet some of the schools can only be seen as white elephant projects. They only have quantity and not quality and do not provide the much needed education to Gambian children. Take for example, while many of the upper basic schools built by the revolution boasts of high enrolment, they lack qualify teachers, libraries and other educational materials. As a result only a small percentage of students get good results to make it to Gambia Senior or St Augustine's Senior or Nustrat Senior Secondary, which are regarded as the best schools in the country. With regard to public senior secondary schools, the number of students graduating with no credits in eight subjects is rising at an alarming rate. These students do not have a bright future. All what they face is a bleak future where they cannot go to university or get any meaningful marketable skills.


Although the government continues to rant about the quality of these schools, government officials prefer to send their kids to private schools like Marina International, Ndows' Comprehensive, and other expensive schools that produce good grades. Education in the Gambia today is divided between the rich and the poor. I say this because public schools that produce poor grades are for children from poor backgrounds while private schools are for children from wealthy backgrounds. Is that what you call success in the education sector?


On the health services, while government has built hospitals and health centres, yet many of these hospitals and health centres like the schools are not well equipped. They are continuously hit by persistent drug shortages, lack of qualified doctors and ambulances. Many Patients die of preventable diseases like malaria and the infant mortality rate gets higher.

In some cases, patients are asked to buy fuel for ambulances to transport them to major hospitals and due to the poor state of our public health services, many Gambians now prefer to seek medical care in private pharmacies and health centres.


The Gambia's agricultural sector is at its worst state. Cultivation of groundnuts which is the country's main export has declined rapidly due to disastrous trade seasons. The continuous failure of government to put in place effective agricultural policies has severely affected the livelihood of farmers. Many farmers today struggle to put food on their tables and the skyrocketing prices of basic commodities is causing a lot of suffering in the farming communities.


Despite spending millions of Dalasis on the Jahally Pacharr and Kuntaur rice projects, Gambians are far from being food self-sufficient. The price of rice Gambia's stable food increases week in week out. The country continues to import almost everything we eat from neighbouring countries.


I can draw a list as long as my arm regarding the abysmal failures of the Jammeh regime.


Freedom Newspaper: I am sure your family are not in support of your critical stance against the Jammeh leadership. What are their concerns? Will you quit writing because of family pressure?


PK Jarju: I went into journalism against the advice of my family. Every Gambian is aware of the plight of journalists in the country and my parents never wanted me to join a profession which although is noble, but hated by the men in Quadrangle. I am always under constant pressure to quit because my family perhaps don't want to see a bullet put through my head. I love my profession and I love what I do. But sometimes it is hard when you are given an ultimatum to choose between family and profession. There are so many things happening in my family life which I will not go about stating here in case it is misunderstood by some big headed people.


Becoming a critic of the Jammeh regime has given me two things. While it has helped to dispel the widely believed notion that all Jolas are supporters of Yahya Jammeh, on the other hand, it has made me a hated figure among the Jola people. Could you believe that some of my close relatives have cut off all ties with me not because I disrespected them or converted to another religion. Its just because I have the balls stand up against a bloody dictator who hates to be told the hard fact. I have lost so many Jola friends especially those serving in the army and other state security units in the Gambia. Don't look at my photo byline and you think that am enjoying. Am not. The worst thing that can happen to a man is to be shun by his family and friends. But you know what Mr M'bai, I will die with a pen in my hand. And may be I will add in my will that I should be buried with a pen and paper.


Freedom Newspaper: We read in ALLGAMBIAN.NET, that your life was threatened. Who are these people planning to finish PK Jarju? Do you know them? Are you worried by such threats?


PK Jarju: Looking at the record of the Jammeh regime, any threat should be taken seriously. If these guys can arrest and torture people for merely subscribing to an on-line newspaper, then what do you think they will do to someone who criticise them, more so a Jola who is expected to remain loyal to them at all cost. I was never bothered about threats. I do receive funny emails from people who claim to know everything about me. One of them is called Kebba T Sanneh a security officer at State House. Mr Sanneh claimed to known all about me including how I came to the UK, my private life, my home address among other things. The guy claimed that my village mates in the army are all sad to see me criticising the regime. And this are some extracts from the email for the benefit of the doubt:

".......I told you brother you are too young to think of this and is better for you to think of the future. I told you that most of us speaking knows you and you dont know us. Am always sad when chatting with your **** (my village) friends who knew you very well and always say they dont know what make you think of this. One thing you must know our intelligence work very well in the Gambia and our country is too small and all of us come from one family...... One thing you fail to understand the politics in the Gambia is base on triblisim. This is why they dont want to see Yaya. They think every jola comes from cassamance just as they are saying all Jolas of **** come from cassamance......Everyone in *****(my village) feel very disappointed to have one shameless Jola saying he s speaking of the truth. I told you there is no truth in this world...... You never know what implication that will bring you but you followed those stupid people in the USA, who is the tribe they fighting not development in the Gambia. I can reveal to that in the military of the Gambia 85% are all Jolas and any security you think of 60% are Jolas. Do you know why this happen? When most tribes where saying that there is no pay in the military and all decided travelling, the Jolas join the army and other security forces. Today we dominated and we ruling and we ready to die for the country whether you know it or not. We keep a dam to all cowards I call it who in exile wanting us to fight for them. Am sorry for you but you full address is know.... I should not reveal this to you but I just feel sorry for you. Sorry that our reggage star [Lucky Dube] is gone and even the president is his reggage star. He even gave a speech about the dam killers. Am back in the Gambia and we looking forward to seeing you ...."


I am not moved an inch by those threats. Allah is my Shepherd and it is only Him who knows how I am going to depart this world. But if these people think that they can silence me, then they better think again.


Let me say one more time to these murder happy boys at the NIA and army that I am not shaken by their threats and no amount of blackmail and intimidation will make me abdicate my noble profession. The Gambia belongs to all of us and it is our responsibility to bring the Jammeh regime to its senses anytime it enact laws or does things that are not in the interest of the country and its people.


These murder happy squad must never think that my commentaries and articles will ever disappear from the front pages of Gambian newspapers and websites. The ink of my pen shall never dry; neither will my computer keyboard get stuck because my instruments of information shall always be mightier than Jammeh's satanic sword and your machine guns and RPGs. Their claims that they know my address and what I do will never make me to move out of my apartment. I will continue to live in the same place and do what I am doing.

And in the event that they succeed in blowing my head up like they did to Deyda Hydara and Chief Ebrima Manneh (May their souls rest in peace), more radical Gambians including my son will stand up and express their thoughts and feelings on the brutal and dictatorial regime in whose name they are committing heinous crimes against the very people the have sworn to protect.


Freedom Newspaper: Why should anyone want to kill PK Jarju, because of his journalistic work?


PK Jarju: They are the only ones who can answer to your that question. But the byline PK Jarju will by the grace of Almighty Allah keep appearing on Gambian newspapers. It will only stop perhaps when am killed or incarcerated at the NIA headquarters in Banjul or secret detention centre. For certain, I know that President Jammeh can only do four things when he lay his hands on me and that is; kill me, torture me, jail me or set me free.


Freedom Newspaper: What would you say to government critics, accusing journalists of defaming the name of the Gambia? Are such claims accurate in your own view?


PK Jarju: You know what. It baffles me when I read such kind of articles. These sycophants are doing a great disservice to the country. Their actions are very criminal and the Gambian people should not pay heed to what they say on GRTS and in the Daily Observer. Its all load of rubbish. What these sycophants are doing can only be seen as an act of desperation. It can be likened to the last kick of a dying horse. They knew that the regime and the leadership they worship has fail woefully and all they do now is shift the blame on opponents and critics of the regime anytime they stumble.These sycophants wants Gambians to believe that Jammeh is a Puritan and Mr Perfect and that anything that goes wrong even due to his incompetence are not his faults. It is always someone else's false and in most cases they want us to believe that it is the opposition or journalists. How interesting is that.


These sycophants are taking advantage on the fact we the Gambian people are believing and trusting lot. They treat us like small kids who should believe in everything Jammeh does or say even when he tells us bed time stories of pigs flying, curing Aids, curing barrenness, dining and settling piece between devils or having the ability to know things that are about to happen in 40 years time. How wonderful is that?


The Gambian people have to wake up and see the light. Hello! But hang on a minute! Should we blame these sycophants? No. They are only doing their jobs. We should blame the Gambian people for allowing them to spread lies and their acts of hypocrisy. Where else in the world would these people be allow to do their dirty work? Well you tell me the answer.

Freedom Newspaper: The general perception in the Gambia is that most Jolas are NIA officers, because of their ethnically connections with the President. How do you managed to work with The Independent Newspaper, all these years, without being suspected of being an NIA agent? What was the reaction of The Independent editors, when you showed up in their office looking for a job?


PK Jarju: I joined The Independent at the age of 18. I could have easily joined the NIA looking at my school results and my family connections. But I have always wanted to be a journalist even though I knew that it is not a get rich quick profession. I hate working in organisations where you act on orders or force to do things that are against your conscience.


Baba Galleh Jallow, Alagi Yorro Jallow and Abdoulie Sey (Prof) were very professional. They never show the slightest doubt in me and have always treated me with respect. I was the youngest reporter in the newsroom and they did a very good job in boosting my confidence and giving me the ability to believe in myself. And I say thank you sirs.

Freedom Newspaper: How was life like at The Independent?


PK Jarju: Life at The Independent was very exciting. The newspaper has the motto Truth is Our Principle and the cardinal rule there is reporters must write nothing but the truth. Competition was very high among the reporters which included Lamin NB Daffeh, Alhagie Mbye, Mbaye Saine, Lamin M Dibba, and Namory Trawally. We only come out twice a week and as a freelancer, I have to work my arse off if I want to take some money home. The only way I can do that is to look for front and back page stories because page 3 stories only decorates the files in the computer room.


The Independent has always been a torn in the flesh of Yahya Jammeh and its editors and reporters were often targeted for having the balls to write stories that Jammeh never want to see on the new stands. Self-censorship was never practised there. We have a rule that Gambians have a right to know nothing but the truth.


Sometime later, Mbaye Saine left the paper. Baba Galleh Jallow left for studies in the US, NB Daffeh left to the UK too to pursue a course in Law and Alhagie Mbye later left the company after falling out with Yorro. Meanwhile, some new crop of reporters like Olufemi Peters, Sanna Camara, Omar Bah and others joined the company. I was later made staff reporter a position I held until I left the company.


I really enjoyed working for The Independent. But I have to admit that my family were always against me. They were always concern and would keep ringing me anytime am not home before dust. We were never afraid to write any story which is in the public interest. The NIA were always interested to find out the author of stories that sometimes don't have bylines.Jalamang Jammeh was also pain in their bum and the NIA officers desperately tried know who the guy was.
We work hard at The Independent but we also have time to play. Ahmed Carayol was our comedian in the computer room and he always kill us with laughter with his jokes and stories.


I will boldly say here that, The Independent was the place that can either make someone a strong, courageous and successful reporter or a weak and unsuccessful one. The choices are there for the men and women in the newsroom to choose.


Freedom Newspaper: What contributed to your departure from the Independent? Do you joined the Daily Observer because of financial fortunes or what?


PK Jarju: Leaving The Independent was not an easy decision.Alagi Yorro and Abdoulie Sey were like blood brothers to me and I will forever remain grateful for all the support they gave to me since the first day entered in the newsroom. I joined the Observer not for financial gains. I saw it as a challenge. And being made a sub-editor was a challenge I could not resist. Everyone want to progress in life and accepting to work in the Observer was another step I think was worthy for me to climb.
Like I said earlier, I knew that journalism in the Gambia is not a get rich quick profession and did not join the Observer to make some quick bucks. I was content with my pay at The Independent.


Freedom Newspaper: Can you reflect on your days at the Daily Observer?


PK Jarju: It would take the whole day if I am to tell you everything. But let me put it this way. The Observer at the time was doing well. Although there was this big question mark hanging in the air regarding its ownership. I believed in Sheriff Bojang when he told me that the company was owned by Amadou Samba. There was no sanction against opposition stories and all our daily prints are always sold out before mid-day. When I joined the Observer, Pascal Eze was then the editor-in-chief.

Mr. Eze left one or two months after my arrival there. Why he left, I don't know. Some said he was asked to go by the company's board after we published a page 3 story authored by Ebrima Jaw Manneh in which Baba Jobe alleged that HIV/Aids was invented by the Americans. The American Embassy in Banjul was very upset with the story and Jackson MacDonald, the US Ambassador at the time made a strong protest to the Gambia government.

Sheriff Bojang took over the mantle and he did a damn good job. The geezer knows his job and we use to finish producing the paper sometimes before six in the evening. I was in charged of editing the inside stories, columns and producing the world news and international sports. Sheriff was modest and honest. He was not bossy and he operated an open door policy and he use to joke and play with the reporters and other members of staff. His cook use to bring food to the company five days in a week which we would all eat together in the newsroom.


The paper also did very well under Ndey Tapha Sosseh, who rejoined the company as editor-in-chief after her studies. Ndey was very friendly but firm. She never took shit from anyone. While she was head of the newsroom, there was never a time when Sheriff Bojang tried to interfere with the editorial content of the paper. Sheriff only pop in and out of the computer room to give us press releases or adverts that were sometimes addressed to him. The only time you see him working in the computer room is when he is helping us produce the Sunday Observer.


Sheriff was never happy when the Observer board sacked Ndey. According to him, it was like been forced to divorce the wife you love so much. Ndey was sacked because the board was not happy with the way the paper was being run. She was accused of turning the paper into a more radical paper than even The Independent.

Her decision to go on a week-long news blackout along with other newspapers after the murder of Deyda Hydara also contributed to her removal.


One thing we later realised at the time was that the Observer was infiltrated by the NIA. An editorial staff we both trusted (name withheld) was recruited as an informer for the agency. Nothing was secret at the office and the agency was privy of anything discussed at the office and who does what in the paper.


The decision of the board to sack Ndey was a terrible mistake and great disservice to the paper. Her successor, Momodou Sanyang [Sanyangba] had no experience in journalism. The man had health problems and cannot withstand the air condition in the computer room. Well, he don't need to be in the computer room in the first place as he was not computer literate. Sheriff was never happy with the appointment of Mr Sanyang. Our sales began to drop and we started getting returns.


Meanwhile, unknown to us, Sheriff was having a secret kung fu battle with the board and he was later sack and replaced with Mr. Sanyang. Lamin Cham, the paper's sports editor, who was helping Mr Sanyang to edit the paper, was appointed editor-in-chief and assisted by me and Omar Bah. While Cham was responsible for editing the front and back pages, me and Omar were responsible for editing the inside pages.


I cried when Sheriff told me in the computer room that he was leaving the company. I had seen a resignation letter he wrote a day earlier which me and Omar Bah pleaded with him not to sent to the board. Sheriff was like a brother to me. He was not only my boss, but my teacher as well. He taught me many things and still have a lot of respect for him. The guy did a lot for the paper and the board should appreciate his good work.
Things were never the same at the Observer since the removal of Sheriff.

Knowing the weaknesses of managing director, the company's board started interfering with the editorial of the paper. But I refused to let anyone police my thoughts. I was then in charged of editing the opinion columns and I continued to use mails and articles that the board never wanted to see. I was ready to get the sack.

One day, I deliberately used an article in the opinion column authored by Salieu John, which was in response to the Justice Paul Commission of Inquiry. In the article, John had a serious go at Jammeh and even faulted his way of fighting corruption. Mr. Sanyang was very mad when he saw the article and he took Lamin Cham to the cleaners for not keeping an eye on the stuffs that I produce on the paper. After the incident, I was assigned new responsibilities. That is to produce only the world news and international sport. Margarette Jones was hired to edit the inside pages.


A commendable thing Mr. Sanyang did during his tenure was appointing some freelance reporters like Ebrima Jaw Manneh, Modika Bah, Lamin Dibba, Ramatoulie Charreh and Sheila Okomiya as staff reporters. He also improved the communication system within the company.


Mr. Sanyang and Mr Cham were later sack in connection with a story authored by Ebrima Jaw Manneh. The story was in connection with a meeting the Gambia Chamber of Commerce had at State House with Jammeh regarding the boarder impasse with Senegal. In the meeting, the Chamber of Commerce admitted that the impasse was hurting the country's economy and that the government should devise a modality of solving the dispute with Senegal. President Jammeh was said to have ordered a news blackout about the meeting and he was reported to have gone absolutely bananas when he read the story in the Observer.


Saja Taal and Mam Sait Ceesay were appointed managing director and editor-in-chief respectively. Their appointment put the company into more mess as everything began going from bad to worst. Saja Taal kept firing reporters for no reason. Take for instance, Malick Faye was sacked for just asking President Jammeh a question at the Banjul International Airport. What the hell am I doing here? I asked myself a week after their appointment.

The Observer was no longer the place for me. It was no longer the place for any serious minded journalists. In fact it was a dangerous place to work. The paper was infiltrated by NIA informers.


Freedom Newspaper: How did you managed to work at the Observer, under such a hostile media climate? Are you for real PK?


PK Jarju: So many things have happened at the Observer, which I haven't stated here. But I will reveal everything in my memoirs Inshallah. I used to ask myself why I was never sacked from the Observer.

I did so many things that could have warranted me to get the sack. What you need to remember is that, I was not the editor-in-chief. I did not have the final say of what was going in or out of the paper.


Freedom Newspaper: Was Saja Taal a good MD, compared to Sheriff Bojang Senior? Can you compare and contrast the difference between the two?


PK Jarju: Hahahaha. Saja Taal was rubbish if am to be honest with you. Comparing him and Sheriff is like comparing day and night. Like I stated earlier, Sheriff Bojang did a lot for the company.

When Sheriff rejoined the Observer, the company had hit the bottom rungs; no good machines, one broken down vehicle, millions of Dalasis in debts, incredibly low sales, very low morale. He successfully turned around the company by acquiring new machines, launched a new website, bought vehicles for management and staff, paid some debts, restructured the rest and started investing in treasury bills.

The paper's circulation was doubled as opposed to before when even with the low numbers it have hundreds of unsold returns each day. Under Sheriff, the Observer gave everyone a voice. Saja Taal on the other hand wrecked the company. He was a loser desperately trying to please someone above. Taal is an intellectual prostitute. He is a disgrace to Ph D holders. And I would not hesitate to show him the two fingers anytime I see him.


Freedom Newspaper: You were writing for the ALLGAMBIAN.NET, while working at the Observer as an editor. What was management's reaction to your action?


PK Jarju: Sheriff Bojang was the managing director at the time when I joined partnership with Bubacarr Ceesay who founded Allgambian. Sheriff never complained about my association with another newspaper. I think he only told me off once for reproducing a story on Allgambian about the arrest of Wally Hakim, who was arrested in connection with the murder of Deyda Hydara.


Things were opposite when Taal came in. Like all cannabis smokers, he was paranoid. He nearly gave me the sack after someone told him about my association with Allgambian, which at the time was giving him a real headache. Taal never trusted me. He was a ruthless NIA informer who never hesitated to report even his own members of staff to the Gestapo. A friend of mine at the agency once advised me to be mindful of Dr Taal. It would have been very foolish of me to have hanged around in the Gambia after quiting the Observer. I would definitely have been another Chief Manneh.


Freedom Newspaper: As a former Daily Observer editor, did you bother to find out who owns the paper? Did you gather any evidence linking President Jammeh to the paper's ownership?


PK Jarju: I was told by my employers that the paper was owned by Amadou Samba, which I naively believed. But after the appointment of Mam Sait Ceesay as Editor-in-Chief, he admitted to me that the paper was owned by Jammeh. In fact he said Jammeh was always moaning of the fact the Observer treat him worst than The Independent. I was also later privy of information that the company was indeed owned by Jammeh and that Amadou Samba was given power of attorney to negotiate and buy the company on behalf of Jammeh. Whether this true or not I don't know. Its all hear say.


Freedom Newspaper: What can you tell us about Mam Sait Ceesay? Did he like the AllGAMBIAN and the Freedom Newspaper?


PK Jarju: The Daily Observer was not the place for Mam Sait. The guy was too busy running his State House job and never had time for the paper. But I don't blame the guy. He was just following orders given to him by his boss. I had a good working relationship with him and I wish him the very best in his court case.


Allgambian was a torn in the flesh of Dr Taal and Mr Ceesay. The paper carried so many article that criticised the appointment and manner in which the two were running the paper. At the beginning, the duo started a war of words with Allgambian which quickly ended after realising that they were fighting a lost battle. Instead they tried to fish out the unknown insider who was said to be posting articles to Allgambian. Freedom Newspaper was then not established.


Freedom Newspaper: Where were you when Ceesay emailed the editors of the ALLGAMBIAN, accusing them of trying destabilise the Gambia? What necessitated the said letter? Any clues?


PK Jarju: It was not Mam Sait. It was Dr Taal. The harsh email was in respond to the paper's editorial policy as well as some of the articles the paper was writing about him and Mam Sait.


Freedom Newspaper: Who is Dida Halake?
PK Jarju: Here we go. Dida is a friend of mine. The geezer was an Ethiopian who fled to Kenya during the war. He attended school in Kenya and later came to the UK. Until his appointment as Observer's managing director, Mr Halake was teaching in Leeds, West Yorkshire. He is married to a Gambian wife with whom he has two children.


Freedom Newspaper: In your recent writings, you claimed that you were among the signatories to Dida Halake's will. What is the said will all about?


PK Jarju: I will have to respect my friend's privacy here. In as much as I disagree with him, it would be very improper for me to say what and what is in the will.


Freedom Newspaper: In your view, what must have compelled Dida Halake to issue the said will? Did Halake foresee any family infighting over his properties after his demise?


PK Jarju: I think the best person to answer that question is Mr Halake. He trusted me by letting me to be a co-signatory to his will and I will maintain that trust and respect.


Freedom Newspaper: In your view, is Dida Halaki, management material? Is he qualified for that job?


PK Jarju: Although am not in the Gambia but I can say for certain that the guy is doing a very good job. He is doing what he is employed to do which is to be a propaganda machinery to President Jammeh and the APRC party. Well, the guy is a very good pen pusher I will admit and he know what he is doing. He is of course more than qualified for the job. Have you forgotten that nowadays, one does not need any experience in journalism to become managing director or editor-in-chief of the Observer.


Freedom Newspaper: Do you consider Halake's appointment as a mistake on the side of the authorities?


PK Jarju: No. Jammeh wanted someone who will stand for him. He wanted someone who will never hesitate to have a go at his opponents and critics. And he has got that in Dida. Appointing Dida as Observer's managing director is also helping to convince Gambians that Jammeh is loved by even white beard people like Dida who have been residing in the UK even before I was born.


Freedom Newspaper: Was this the Dida Halake, you used to know in the UK?


PK Jarju: I knew Dida since I was at the Observer. He used to bring me articles, mostly book reviews for publication any time he visits the country. We use to drive round town in his Suzuki jeep. Rasta Garden was our favourite eating place. The Observer was like his second office. He only stop going there after been embarrassed by Lamin Kujabi, who had a go at his mum and dad in front of the type setters and reporters.


Freedom Newspaper: What do you make out of President Jammeh's claims that he lost one of his devils? Is the President mentally stable, in your own view?


PK Jarju: I don't think he is mad. Like I said in my recent article on this paper, the guy is blessed. He is blessed more than even Jesus Christ. Why do you think he prays more than 100 times a day? It is a way of thanking God for giving him special favours that were not given to any humankind. If Jammeh can make women in menopause to get pregnant, cure Aids, dine with devils and above all know things that will come to past ages in advance, then he could be telling the truth. Innit? So don't be surprise one day when you hear him saying he can make the cripple to walk, the dumb to talk, the deaf to hear as well as raise the dead from the grave.


Freedom Newspaper: What needs to be done restore sanity in The Gambia?


PK Jarju: Sanity would only prevail if the Gambian people take control of the affairs of the state. We have to be the commanders of our own destinies. We Gambians believe in Yallah bahna. God has always been good and He will continue to be good. We need to wake up and say enough is enough to the President and his regime. We should have a desire to be free and the instinct to oppose brutality and repression.

Gambians should forget nursing the dream that international organisations like the UN, the Commonwealth among others will solve our problems for us. While they can influence the process, it is left to us to take the leading role as the country is ours. We are the only people who can stop this political madness. We are a talk and do nation and those who can talk must talk while does who can do must do anything within their powers to ensure the full restoration of democracy and human rights in the country.


Freedom Newspaper: Any last words, Mr. Jarju?


PK Jarju: Yes. May Allah, the ever merciful and ever gracious Lord end our sufferings and oppression.


Freedom Newspaper: Thanks, Mr. Jarju for granting us this interview. Have a great day.

PK Jarju: Its my pleasure. Assalam Walaikum.

A friend of the devils

by PK Jarju

The Gambian president, Yahya Jammeh is not an ordinary human being. While we humans have two eyes, the geezer has four, which enables him to see both the natural and supernatural world. He is a special creation of Almighty Allah, and has been blessed with the means of belonging to the human and devil race. He even have the means to know things that will come to pass in 40 years time. How wonderful is that?


Hello! I am as sober as a saint and although it is well after 11 pm in freezing cold England, am still wide awake. So please don't think that am sleepy or drunk. I am also not taking the mick at His Excellency, the President either. Am just writing what the Gambian leader openly admitted to the Gambian public.

By Jammeh's own admission, he is a blessed and gifted man. Just think of this. Apart from being able to cure asthma, TB, barrenness among others, he is the only one in the universe whom God has blessed with the medical knowledge to cure HIV/Aids by using leaves and some verses of the Holy Qur'an.

Forget about Sir Isaac Newton, Albert Einstein, Alexander Flemings among others. We Gambians have a greater and perhaps the most intelligent scientist of our time. He don't need a scientific lab and his medicines, which have divine blessings can cure even illnesses that have for many years eluded the scientific community. And by looking at how blessed he is, his recent statement that he intervene in a fight between devils should not be surprising to me.

I am lucky to come from the same division and tribe with Jammeh, which enabled me to know the man who is running the affairs of our country. And believe me this guy is among the chosen ones lol.

When I was a reporter with The Independent NewspaperI once wrote an article in November 2002 captionAed: Who is President Jammeh? The article was based on an interview President Jammeh had in Jola with Alhagie Momodou Sanyang of GRTS.

Sitting on the bank of his crocodile pond in Kanilai, Mr. Jammeh while speaking about his childhood days said:

"In my childhood days here in Kanilai, I got a rare illness. My parents were very worried. They tried all sort of cure but my situation didn't improve. The hair on my head fell off and my head went bald. Many people thought I was going to die.

My mother [Asombi Bojang] took me to one renown dibia at the time who told us that I am going to be a great leader. According to the dibia, the illness was due to the fact that the devils were preparing me for leadership. That my hair fell off because I was about to wear the leadership hat.

As a young boy then, I don't go hungry. My stomach was always full and my parents would sometimes tell me off or flog me for refusing to eat the food they cook.

There were big Bantango trees behind our houses where I will often disappear for many hours and no one will know where I have been. And anytime I return home, my hands would smell of the delicious food I have eaten and people will ask me all sort of questions about where I ate the food and who cooked it."

Believe me, this are not my words but Jammeh's. My story is still in the archives of The Independent and the tape of the interview is in the GRTS library I suppose.

Because of his long term association with the devils, it is therefore not surprising to see Jammeh transformed himself within two years after taking over the reign of power from a poor malnourished soldier to the riches Gambian.

Hahaha chumwai Jilanka! So your friends, the devils were your World Bank. The unknown financial backers who rained money on you to build the white elephant projects and pay salaries of civil servants during those difficult years of the revolution.

So after all he is right when he tell the Gambia people during his election campaigns that if they don't vote for him the devils would vote for him to win the presidency. The devils indeed vote for him in all the elections he contested because I don't think there is any sane Gambian out there who will vote for Jammeh looking at the mess he has plunged our country into.

Jammeh does not trust the Gambian people. The only people he trust are his friends the devils. While he continuously moan about how he is often let down by his secretaries of state and permanent secretaries, the devils will never betrayed him and have always got him out of any difficulty he faced.

They are the ones who provide 24 hour security for him and makes sure that no weapon fire at him will prosper. That was why his military coup was nothing but peaceful. Not even a single soul was killed. Recounting how the July 22 coup was conducted in an interview with Ebou Waggeh of GRTS, President Jammeh said:

"While marching with my men to Banjul, we came across stiff resistance from some soldiers loyal to the Jawara regime at the Denton Bridge. These soldiers kept firing at us but I advised my men not to fire back. I told them that nothing was going to happen to anyone who is within 100 metres behind me. As we continued marching towards Banjul, the opposing soldiers realising that their guns cannot do anything to us surrendered." Incredible isn't it?

President Jammeh is so blessed that even Prophet Sulaiman would be impress with what the guy can do. This is because apart from he Sulaiman, Jammeh is the only creation on planent earth who has the ability to see both the natural and supernatural world as well as converse and dine with devils. And perhaps looking at how gifted our president is, the Gambia will soon be rich like Sulaiman's town.

Oh yes! That is why we have now discovered crude oil and vast quantities of mineral resources. And do not be surprise if you find gold and diamonds in the streets on Banjul.

For comments write to papak196@yahoo.co.uk.U can also read my blog www.pkjarju.blogspot.com