by PK Jarju, Birmingham UK
It is often said that moving houses is one of the hardest things to do in the UK. Since posting my last article, I moved into an empty house that does not even have a phone line. Typical of British Council Housing. Not even a carpet or flooring was in the house and I have to spend every hour in the past three weeks trying to put the bit and pieces together.
I will therefore like to apologise to my esteem readers for my long absence. I am yet to get the my phone line sorted and as a result I may not be able to contribute regularly as before. So like we say in Jollof, Balal lem ma
Whenever I take a serious look at the Gambia, the more worried I get concerning the political situation of the country. The country is fast sinking and nothing is being done to save it. It is sinking not because the general population is unaware, but because they feel they cannot do anything to stop it.
The Gambia looks like a hijacked ship being flown to an unknown destination. For the past 14 years, a man who many Gambians don't want as their head of state is holding a gun to the captain's head and the passengers and the rest of the crew are all too terrified to say a word or stop him.
The principles that were supposed to make you and me safe in our own land of birth and protect us from such political madness have been badly tampered with to favour the head of state. He is given full control of our land of birth and is empowered to do whatever he wants, anytime, anyhow and to anyone.
He is applauded for anything he does or say whether good or bad. The head of state is said to love our country so much so that anything he does or says is seen as in our best interest. He is seen as a messiah, puritan and reformer hand picked by Almighty God Himself to make the Gambia a prosperous country and a giant of the sub-region.
As a country of true believers, we believe in anything we are told by our head of state even when he told us without any prove that he have discovered a cure for HIV/Aids. Despite him being the richest Gambian, we contributed millions of our hard earned taxes towards his HIV treatment programme.
Patriotism to our head of state, is defined by how much you love and support him. He comes first and the country second. You cannot claim to love the country without loving him. Be the most qualified Gambian but there is no job for you in any government department if you don't worship the head of state.
Our head of state is the heart of all government organs. They operate round him and him alone. The executive dance to his tune and the National Assembly smoothens his path. Every bill he drafted is quickly enacted into law. The judiciary feared him and follows every order he barks.
Anything which is against the head of state is seen as an enemy. And enemy that should be destroyed in the national interest. Criticisms are never welcome. Try telling the head of state how to govern the people and life will be made difficult for you. So difficult that you wish you were never born.
Journalists get bullets put through their heads, their houses and printing machines set on fire, arrested, tortured and media houses closed down on bogus charges. Political opponents are always hunted down, arrested, tortured, jailed or buried six feet deep.
Gambians don't trust each other any more. We cannot talk freely to each other without looking at our backs. Political discussions are out of the way. Talk about the head of state and you risk spending months in a secret detention centre, where you will be tortured and subjected to all sort of inhumane treatment.
Once you are arrested, forget about getting a lawyer. Many of the top lawyers will simply say no to your request as they don't want to upset the head of state. Our legal practitioners according to the London based International Bar Association are "operating under challenging conditions due to the existence of ongoing incidents of harassment and intimidation, which have created a climate of fear in the profession.
It added that government exhibits hostility and suspicion in its dealings with the legal profession which it perceives as an oppositional force, and there is currently an atmosphere of fear amongst lawyers, emanating from the attempted murder of a lawyer and several other incidents of harassment and intimidation of lawyers, that they may face serious adverse consequences as a result of their acceptance of certain causes on behalf of their clients.
The name of our head of state's is sacred. He is worshipped like Lord Voldermort in the Harry Potter series and disobedience is regarded as the worst crime.
In The Gambia today, an accused person is presumed guilty even before being tried in court. Get arrested by our security officers and you risk losing all your friends. You become stigmatised and people become even too scared to get close to you. Fall out with the head of state and no company will dream of even employing you as a cleaner. Ask former KMC mayor, Abdoulie Conteh, for Imam of Banjul International Airport to name just a few and they will tell you.
It may be easy to convince yourself that because you have good personal relations with senior people in the Gambian government you Will be protected in someway if things go wrong. Maybe if you are a close family member of the head of state. If you are an ordinary Gambian then you are on your own.
Your highly placed friends will deny ever knowing you for they have their own careers, their own lives to protect.
What a tragic demise of democracy in a country that shelters the headquarter of African Centre for Human Rights studies? God help us.
Rest in peace Alex
It was shocking to read the news of Alexandre Djiba's death. I first met Mr Djiba in 2000 at the former Atlantic Hotel in Banjul during peace talks between the MFDC and the Senegalese government. I saw him as a smart fella who was the voice of the MFDC and had interviewed him on many occasions for The Independent Newspaper.
The last time I interviewed him was in 2001 after Jean Marie Biague renamed himself as MFDC secretary general some few weeks after his resignation. Months later he rang to informed me that he was travelling out of the Gambia. I was later to hear rumours that he was kicked out of the Atlantic Hotel.
While he was at the Atlantic Hotel, it was rumoured that the Gambia government was footing his hotel bills although DJiba himself neither denied nor confirmed it in the many interviews I had with him.
During his stay in Banjul, Alexandre spread MFDC propaganda in Gambian and the international media as well as keep in touch with other MFDC figures in France.
In late 2000, he was arrested in Guinea Bissau but later claimed upon his returned to Banjul that he escaped from custody.
Alexandre may have gone but many Gambian journalists who have had the opportunity to meet him will always remember the stocky, beared and big eye fella, who have always defended the cause of the MFDC.
Tuesday, 26 May 2009
Sunday, 3 May 2009
The reluctant democrat
When Yahya Jammeh came to power in July 1994, his Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) that overthrew the PPP regime of Sir Dawda Jawara promised to be soldiers with a difference.
by PK Jarju
With the motto accountability, transparency and probity, they promised to act and to do everything different from typical military governments we have seen in our god forsaken continent. They said they were servants of the people, whose main objective was to free the enslaved Gambians ruled by a corrupt, despotic and retrogressive government that lived on flamboyant life styles while the average Gambian lived in abject poverty.
However, 13 years on, all the sweet talk of making a difference, accountability, transparency and probity is dead and buried 360 feet deep. The current military regime in Gambia is not accountable to the electorates, nor is it transparent and trusted by the very people it claims to be serving. The regime has become a curse to Gambian people with President Yahya Jammeh transforming himself into a super god expecting to be worshipped by every Gambian.
Despite return of the country to 'civilian rule', The Gambia is far from being democratic. It has become more tyrannical with president Jameh continuing to tighten his grip on power everyday. While President Jammeh claims that he is a democrat, he rules with an iron hand, showing no mercy towards his political opponents. To him democracy, which is defined by Abraham Lincoln as government of the people, for the people and by the people is inapplicable in The Gambia. His own definition of democracy is government by Yahya Jammeh, of Yahya Jammeh and for Yahya Jammeh.
As president, Yahya Jammeh is in total control of all the chambers of government. He uses his moppet National Assembly Members who forms a large majority in the National Assembly to manipulate the country's constitution left, right and centre. These dummies (excuse my French) at the National Assembly put the president's interest before national interest. Bills drafted by the executive are hastily passed into laws without second thought. The Gambian National Assembly is now transformed into an APRC bureau were President Jammeh is regarded as a puritan, perfectionist and prophet who will never eat until every Gambian has eaten.
Being party leader of the APRC, President Jammeh has over the years expelled National Assembly Members of his own party who fell out with him despite the fact they were voted into office by thousands of people in their constituencies. He reserves the power to dissolve the National Assembly and to declare state of emergency.
The executive is also under firm grips of president Jammeh. Ministers are hired and fired without any explanation. Civil servants suspected of being opposition sympathisers are sent packing out of the Quadrangle. Police officers, armed forces, NIA and other security officers openly manifest their loyalty to the president and they never hesitate to harass opposition supporters and critics of the regime. Many security officers have been sacked for merely being impartial in the execution of their duties.
The Gambian judiciary has lost its independence to administer justice in a free and fair manner. It has failed its motto of fiat justicia. President Jammeh is responsible for appointment and removal of judges. Many judges who pass judgements against the state have been unceremoniously removed.
While the Gambian constitution guarantees rights and freedoms of the citizens, the government continues to violate them without giving a monkey. Freedom of expression is not tolerated as journalists and other media practitioners are persecuted left, right and centre. And in a bid to prevent Gambians from establishing private newspapers, the government has still refused to repeal military Decree 70/71 from the country's laws. Government has also introduced the criminal amendment code under which journalists risk receiving long jail terms for publishing false news and caricature.
Private media houses are shut down by the state without any court order and journalists are killed, arrested, tortured and detained well over the legal 72 hour period. President Jammeh himself has described African journalists as illegitimate sons of Africa who are brainwashed by the West to cause trouble and instability in their countries. Lashing out to journalists in one of his interviews he said: "Journalists are sh..t. You don't need to go to toilet to know that it stinks."
Today, becoming a journalist in The Gambia is more risky than joining the army. A journalist is ten times more likely to go to jail than a minister who swindles thousands of Dalasis from the state. As a result many Gambian journalists are fleeing the country living behind their children, parents and wives.
NIA officers at the Banjul International Airport now have a classified listed of innocent journalists and writers abroad not because they looted the Gambia economy or attempted to assassinate the president, but for telling the regime the unpleasant truth. Like vultures looking for a dead carcass, these officers cannot wait to lay their hands on any member of the wanted club.
Freedom of association and assembly is also strictly restricted. Opposition parties intending to hold gatherings are required by the bogus laws to seek a permit from the Inspector General of Police, who is appointed by the president. Gambians also need a permit from the police to hold any demonstration. Gatherings and meetings without a permit are termed unlawful and the police and armed soldiers are often sent to disperse such gatherings. These security officers are immune and cannot be held liable for prosecution for any force they prefer using to disperse such a gathering.
The government also seriously violates privacy of Gambians. As a result of its intolerance to criticisms, the lethal National Intelligence Agency (NIA) similar to the German Gestapo, tap the phones of innocent Gambians without any court order. Gambians cannot talk about Yahya Jammeh in the streets without looking at their backs to see who is listening. Air mails living or entering the country inspected by NIA officers permanently posted at all postal offices. Political discussions in schools are now well out of the way with many students recruited as NIA officers to spy on their colleagues. Anyone found criticising the regime is whisked away to the NIA headquarters where they are merciless tortured.
Pressure groups in the country have all become voiceless and toothless. Their rights have been taken away and their leadership doesn’t even have the balls to criticise any law or government policy that are not in the interest of their members.
Gambians are today living in constant fear wondering who is next on the NIA list. Power belongs to the president and his ever loyal NIA officers are so thick that they regard any critic of the regime as an enemy. They are protected by law and can get away from any crime ranging from murder, kidnapping, torture and rape.
The Jammeh regime continues to violate rights and personal liberty of Gambians. It also fails to protect political opponents from inhumane treatment to the extent of even depriving them from their properties. People who fall out with the president are often detained indefinitely at the Mile Two Prisons without any court order.
While the constitution guarantees the right of Gambians to join any political party of their choice, opposition sympathisers are stigmatised and treated like outcasts. Opposition figures and their children cannot get any job in the civil service. They are always presumed guilty anytime they clash with APRC supporters. Law enforcement officers are always in a fishing expedition to arrest and charge opposition sympathisers who refuse to defect to the APRC for the slightest wrong doing.
Today in The Gambia, we are like in the reign of Lord Voldermort in the Harry Potter series. Security officers are like the death eaters always on the hunt for opponents of the regime.
May Allah shower His love and protection on us all. Amen.
Note: The above article was first published on Nov 29 2007 in AllGambian.net
by PK Jarju
With the motto accountability, transparency and probity, they promised to act and to do everything different from typical military governments we have seen in our god forsaken continent. They said they were servants of the people, whose main objective was to free the enslaved Gambians ruled by a corrupt, despotic and retrogressive government that lived on flamboyant life styles while the average Gambian lived in abject poverty.
However, 13 years on, all the sweet talk of making a difference, accountability, transparency and probity is dead and buried 360 feet deep. The current military regime in Gambia is not accountable to the electorates, nor is it transparent and trusted by the very people it claims to be serving. The regime has become a curse to Gambian people with President Yahya Jammeh transforming himself into a super god expecting to be worshipped by every Gambian.
Despite return of the country to 'civilian rule', The Gambia is far from being democratic. It has become more tyrannical with president Jameh continuing to tighten his grip on power everyday. While President Jammeh claims that he is a democrat, he rules with an iron hand, showing no mercy towards his political opponents. To him democracy, which is defined by Abraham Lincoln as government of the people, for the people and by the people is inapplicable in The Gambia. His own definition of democracy is government by Yahya Jammeh, of Yahya Jammeh and for Yahya Jammeh.
As president, Yahya Jammeh is in total control of all the chambers of government. He uses his moppet National Assembly Members who forms a large majority in the National Assembly to manipulate the country's constitution left, right and centre. These dummies (excuse my French) at the National Assembly put the president's interest before national interest. Bills drafted by the executive are hastily passed into laws without second thought. The Gambian National Assembly is now transformed into an APRC bureau were President Jammeh is regarded as a puritan, perfectionist and prophet who will never eat until every Gambian has eaten.
Being party leader of the APRC, President Jammeh has over the years expelled National Assembly Members of his own party who fell out with him despite the fact they were voted into office by thousands of people in their constituencies. He reserves the power to dissolve the National Assembly and to declare state of emergency.
The executive is also under firm grips of president Jammeh. Ministers are hired and fired without any explanation. Civil servants suspected of being opposition sympathisers are sent packing out of the Quadrangle. Police officers, armed forces, NIA and other security officers openly manifest their loyalty to the president and they never hesitate to harass opposition supporters and critics of the regime. Many security officers have been sacked for merely being impartial in the execution of their duties.
The Gambian judiciary has lost its independence to administer justice in a free and fair manner. It has failed its motto of fiat justicia. President Jammeh is responsible for appointment and removal of judges. Many judges who pass judgements against the state have been unceremoniously removed.
While the Gambian constitution guarantees rights and freedoms of the citizens, the government continues to violate them without giving a monkey. Freedom of expression is not tolerated as journalists and other media practitioners are persecuted left, right and centre. And in a bid to prevent Gambians from establishing private newspapers, the government has still refused to repeal military Decree 70/71 from the country's laws. Government has also introduced the criminal amendment code under which journalists risk receiving long jail terms for publishing false news and caricature.
Private media houses are shut down by the state without any court order and journalists are killed, arrested, tortured and detained well over the legal 72 hour period. President Jammeh himself has described African journalists as illegitimate sons of Africa who are brainwashed by the West to cause trouble and instability in their countries. Lashing out to journalists in one of his interviews he said: "Journalists are sh..t. You don't need to go to toilet to know that it stinks."
Today, becoming a journalist in The Gambia is more risky than joining the army. A journalist is ten times more likely to go to jail than a minister who swindles thousands of Dalasis from the state. As a result many Gambian journalists are fleeing the country living behind their children, parents and wives.
NIA officers at the Banjul International Airport now have a classified listed of innocent journalists and writers abroad not because they looted the Gambia economy or attempted to assassinate the president, but for telling the regime the unpleasant truth. Like vultures looking for a dead carcass, these officers cannot wait to lay their hands on any member of the wanted club.
Freedom of association and assembly is also strictly restricted. Opposition parties intending to hold gatherings are required by the bogus laws to seek a permit from the Inspector General of Police, who is appointed by the president. Gambians also need a permit from the police to hold any demonstration. Gatherings and meetings without a permit are termed unlawful and the police and armed soldiers are often sent to disperse such gatherings. These security officers are immune and cannot be held liable for prosecution for any force they prefer using to disperse such a gathering.
The government also seriously violates privacy of Gambians. As a result of its intolerance to criticisms, the lethal National Intelligence Agency (NIA) similar to the German Gestapo, tap the phones of innocent Gambians without any court order. Gambians cannot talk about Yahya Jammeh in the streets without looking at their backs to see who is listening. Air mails living or entering the country inspected by NIA officers permanently posted at all postal offices. Political discussions in schools are now well out of the way with many students recruited as NIA officers to spy on their colleagues. Anyone found criticising the regime is whisked away to the NIA headquarters where they are merciless tortured.
Pressure groups in the country have all become voiceless and toothless. Their rights have been taken away and their leadership doesn’t even have the balls to criticise any law or government policy that are not in the interest of their members.
Gambians are today living in constant fear wondering who is next on the NIA list. Power belongs to the president and his ever loyal NIA officers are so thick that they regard any critic of the regime as an enemy. They are protected by law and can get away from any crime ranging from murder, kidnapping, torture and rape.
The Jammeh regime continues to violate rights and personal liberty of Gambians. It also fails to protect political opponents from inhumane treatment to the extent of even depriving them from their properties. People who fall out with the president are often detained indefinitely at the Mile Two Prisons without any court order.
While the constitution guarantees the right of Gambians to join any political party of their choice, opposition sympathisers are stigmatised and treated like outcasts. Opposition figures and their children cannot get any job in the civil service. They are always presumed guilty anytime they clash with APRC supporters. Law enforcement officers are always in a fishing expedition to arrest and charge opposition sympathisers who refuse to defect to the APRC for the slightest wrong doing.
Today in The Gambia, we are like in the reign of Lord Voldermort in the Harry Potter series. Security officers are like the death eaters always on the hunt for opponents of the regime.
May Allah shower His love and protection on us all. Amen.
Note: The above article was first published on Nov 29 2007 in AllGambian.net
A hand book for 2009
Readers
Got the mail below from a friend which I wish to share with you. I hope it will help to change someone's life for the better.
Health:
1. Drink plenty of water.
2. Eat breakfast like a king, lunch like a prince and dinner like a beggar.
3. Eat more foods that grow on trees and plants and eat less food that is manufactured in plants.
4. Live with the 3 E's -- Energy, Enthusiasm, and Empathy.
5. Make time to practice meditation, yoga, and prayer.
6. Play more games.
7. Read more books than you did in 2008.
8. Sit in silence for at least 10 minutes each day.
9. Sleep for 7 hours.
10. Take a 10-30 minutes walk every day. And while you walk, smile.
Personality:
11. Don't compare your life to others'.
You have no idea what their journey is all about.
12. Don't have negative thoughts or things you cannot control.
Instead invest your energy in the positive present moment.
13. Don't overdo. Keep your limits.
14. Don't take yourself so seriously. No one else does.
15. Don't waste your precious energy on gossip.
16. Dream more while you are awake.
17. Envy is a waste of time. You already have all you need.
18. Forget issues of the past.
Don't remind your partner with his/her mistakes of the past.
That will ruin your present happiness.
19. Life is too short to waste time hating anyone. Don't hate others.
20. Make peace with your past so it won't spoil the present.
21. No one is in charge of your happiness except you.
22. Realize that life is a school and you are here to learn.
Problems are simply part of the curriculum that appear and
fade away like algebra class but the lessons you learn will last a lifetime.
23. Smile and laugh more.
24. You don't have to win every argument. Agree to disagree.
Society:
25. Call your family often.
26. Each day give something good to others.
27. Forgive everyone for everything.
28. Spend time with people over the age of 70 & under the age of 6.
29. Try to make at least three people smile each day.
30. What other people think of you is none of your business.
31. Your job won't take care of you when you are sick.
Your friends will. Stay in touch.
Life:
32. Do the right thing!
33. Get rid of anything that isn't useful, beautiful or joyful.
34. GOD heals everything.
35. However good or bad a situation is, it will change.
36. No matter how you feel, get up, dress up and show up.
37. The best is yet to come.
38. When you awake alive in the morning, thank GOD for it.
39. Your Inner most is always happy. So, be happy.
Got the mail below from a friend which I wish to share with you. I hope it will help to change someone's life for the better.
Health:
1. Drink plenty of water.
2. Eat breakfast like a king, lunch like a prince and dinner like a beggar.
3. Eat more foods that grow on trees and plants and eat less food that is manufactured in plants.
4. Live with the 3 E's -- Energy, Enthusiasm, and Empathy.
5. Make time to practice meditation, yoga, and prayer.
6. Play more games.
7. Read more books than you did in 2008.
8. Sit in silence for at least 10 minutes each day.
9. Sleep for 7 hours.
10. Take a 10-30 minutes walk every day. And while you walk, smile.
Personality:
11. Don't compare your life to others'.
You have no idea what their journey is all about.
12. Don't have negative thoughts or things you cannot control.
Instead invest your energy in the positive present moment.
13. Don't overdo. Keep your limits.
14. Don't take yourself so seriously. No one else does.
15. Don't waste your precious energy on gossip.
16. Dream more while you are awake.
17. Envy is a waste of time. You already have all you need.
18. Forget issues of the past.
Don't remind your partner with his/her mistakes of the past.
That will ruin your present happiness.
19. Life is too short to waste time hating anyone. Don't hate others.
20. Make peace with your past so it won't spoil the present.
21. No one is in charge of your happiness except you.
22. Realize that life is a school and you are here to learn.
Problems are simply part of the curriculum that appear and
fade away like algebra class but the lessons you learn will last a lifetime.
23. Smile and laugh more.
24. You don't have to win every argument. Agree to disagree.
Society:
25. Call your family often.
26. Each day give something good to others.
27. Forgive everyone for everything.
28. Spend time with people over the age of 70 & under the age of 6.
29. Try to make at least three people smile each day.
30. What other people think of you is none of your business.
31. Your job won't take care of you when you are sick.
Your friends will. Stay in touch.
Life:
32. Do the right thing!
33. Get rid of anything that isn't useful, beautiful or joyful.
34. GOD heals everything.
35. However good or bad a situation is, it will change.
36. No matter how you feel, get up, dress up and show up.
37. The best is yet to come.
38. When you awake alive in the morning, thank GOD for it.
39. Your Inner most is always happy. So, be happy.
Saturday, 2 May 2009
Unfinished business
Press freedom is stifled year after year by an intolerant and unpredictable government. The work of the privately owned media is hobbled by an extremely threatening climate, bolstered by laws of defamation and against “publishing false news” that are among the most draconian in West Africa.
Despite the existence of a civilian government, headed by young president, Yahya Jammeh, the country is the reserve of a small clique of frequently irrational soldiers, who imprison, torture and terrorise often randomly, those who dare to clash with the head of state or his friends.
The murder of the country’s most prominent journalist, editor of the weekly The Point, Deyda Hydara, on 16 December 2004, marked the end of a period when a well organised and rigorous private press could still stand firm against a government which did not hide its hostility towards it. Hydara was formerly president of the journalists’ union, correspondent for Reporters Without Borders and AFP, the doyen of the country’s journalists and a perceptive editorialist, pointing out the erring ways of the inexperienced and mystic young president. At the time he was killed, within a stone’s throw of a police barracks, Hydara was being permanently watched by the dreaded National Intelligence Agency (NIA), the head of state’s all-powerful intelligence service.
Since his death, almost all those who were a thorn in the president’s side have fallen into step or have left the country. Apart from The Point, which is more or less protected by the aura of its deceased editor, most newspapers that tried to get a different voice heard from that of the pro-government Daily Observer have been illegally closed.
One imprisoned journalist, “Chief” Ebrima Manneh, disappeared without trace into the sinister Mile Two prison on the Banjul sea front. And the authorities have always denied holding him, despite numerous reports from prisoners and eye witnesses to the contrary.
RFS on press freedom in Gambia
Despite the existence of a civilian government, headed by young president, Yahya Jammeh, the country is the reserve of a small clique of frequently irrational soldiers, who imprison, torture and terrorise often randomly, those who dare to clash with the head of state or his friends.
The murder of the country’s most prominent journalist, editor of the weekly The Point, Deyda Hydara, on 16 December 2004, marked the end of a period when a well organised and rigorous private press could still stand firm against a government which did not hide its hostility towards it. Hydara was formerly president of the journalists’ union, correspondent for Reporters Without Borders and AFP, the doyen of the country’s journalists and a perceptive editorialist, pointing out the erring ways of the inexperienced and mystic young president. At the time he was killed, within a stone’s throw of a police barracks, Hydara was being permanently watched by the dreaded National Intelligence Agency (NIA), the head of state’s all-powerful intelligence service.
Since his death, almost all those who were a thorn in the president’s side have fallen into step or have left the country. Apart from The Point, which is more or less protected by the aura of its deceased editor, most newspapers that tried to get a different voice heard from that of the pro-government Daily Observer have been illegally closed.
One imprisoned journalist, “Chief” Ebrima Manneh, disappeared without trace into the sinister Mile Two prison on the Banjul sea front. And the authorities have always denied holding him, despite numerous reports from prisoners and eye witnesses to the contrary.
RFS on press freedom in Gambia
The Gifts And the Salary of the President Do They Correspond?
Source Foroyaa
The 29 Million Dalasis offered to those connected with the Under 17 victory, the offer of 1 Million to the winner of the competition to draft an anthem for July 22nd and the huge sums of money frequently granted to musicians have raised questions regarding the source of the wealth of the President.
It is important for people to concentrate on the legitimate earnings of the President from Public Funds .It is important for all readers to understand that no authority including the President has power to withdraw money from public funds without the authority of Law. The Constitution has stated very clearly how Public Finance is to be managed in the country. Section 150 of the Constitution states that "There shall be a Consolidated Fund into which shall be paid all revenues or other money raised or received for the purpose of, or on behalf of, the Government.."
Section 151 adds that "No money shall be withdrawn from the consolidated fund except-to meet an expenditure charged on a fund by this constitution or an Act of the National Assembly; or where the issue of that money has been authorized by an Appropriation Act" or Supplementary Appropriation Act.
Hence the President's legitimate income must be prescribed by law. Now one may ask: How is the income of the President determined?
Section 69 of the Constitution states that "the President shall receive such salary and allowances as may be prescribed by an act of the National Assembly, and such salary and allowances shall not be altered to his or her disadvantage during his or her tenure of office."
Furthermore, "the salary and allowances, and pension and retirement benefits, as prescribed by an act of the National Assembly, shall be exempted from taxation, but the President shall be subject to taxation on all other chargeable income."
It is therefore clear that the President cannot receive any salary or allowances from public funds without a bill being passed by the National Assembly, assented to by the President and then published in the Gazette as Law.
The salary and allowances of the President and the Cabinet members should not be secret.
The salary of the Secretary of State is put at 204,000 dalasis per annum; Responsibility allowance for both Permanent Secretary and SOS amounts to 108,000 dalasis,;telephone allowance for both amounts to 48,000 dalasis and house rent for both is put at 200,880 dalasis per annum. It is strange that the Salary and Allowance of the President and Vice President's are not put as part of the break down of expenditures of the Office of President and Vice President.
The Secretary of State for Finance and Economic Affairs will be contacted to find out how the salary of the President and Vice President feature in the approved estimates and the Appropriation Act governing the budget for the 2009 'financial year. We will keep the public informed in the interest of transparency and accountability.
The 29 Million Dalasis offered to those connected with the Under 17 victory, the offer of 1 Million to the winner of the competition to draft an anthem for July 22nd and the huge sums of money frequently granted to musicians have raised questions regarding the source of the wealth of the President.
It is important for people to concentrate on the legitimate earnings of the President from Public Funds .It is important for all readers to understand that no authority including the President has power to withdraw money from public funds without the authority of Law. The Constitution has stated very clearly how Public Finance is to be managed in the country. Section 150 of the Constitution states that "There shall be a Consolidated Fund into which shall be paid all revenues or other money raised or received for the purpose of, or on behalf of, the Government.."
Section 151 adds that "No money shall be withdrawn from the consolidated fund except-to meet an expenditure charged on a fund by this constitution or an Act of the National Assembly; or where the issue of that money has been authorized by an Appropriation Act" or Supplementary Appropriation Act.
Hence the President's legitimate income must be prescribed by law. Now one may ask: How is the income of the President determined?
Section 69 of the Constitution states that "the President shall receive such salary and allowances as may be prescribed by an act of the National Assembly, and such salary and allowances shall not be altered to his or her disadvantage during his or her tenure of office."
Furthermore, "the salary and allowances, and pension and retirement benefits, as prescribed by an act of the National Assembly, shall be exempted from taxation, but the President shall be subject to taxation on all other chargeable income."
It is therefore clear that the President cannot receive any salary or allowances from public funds without a bill being passed by the National Assembly, assented to by the President and then published in the Gazette as Law.
The salary and allowances of the President and the Cabinet members should not be secret.
The salary of the Secretary of State is put at 204,000 dalasis per annum; Responsibility allowance for both Permanent Secretary and SOS amounts to 108,000 dalasis,;telephone allowance for both amounts to 48,000 dalasis and house rent for both is put at 200,880 dalasis per annum. It is strange that the Salary and Allowance of the President and Vice President's are not put as part of the break down of expenditures of the Office of President and Vice President.
The Secretary of State for Finance and Economic Affairs will be contacted to find out how the salary of the President and Vice President feature in the approved estimates and the Appropriation Act governing the budget for the 2009 'financial year. We will keep the public informed in the interest of transparency and accountability.
Thursday, 30 April 2009
DALASI& BUTUT: Dalasi Strengthens against US Dollar
The local currency strengthened against the greenback on both the interbank and the parallel markets this week. On the interbank market, the local currency gained 12 bututs and was quoted at D26.53 and improved by 25 bututs against the Pound to close at D39.
The Dalasi however depreciated by 25 bututs to D35.15 against the Euro while losing ground by 5 bututs to close at D262.50. On the parallel market, the Dalasi appreciated by 50 bututs against the Dollar to D25.88 and was stable at D38 against the Pound. The local currency however depreciated by 40 bututs against the Euro and was down by D7.50 against the CFA Francs and was quoted at D35.10 and D257.50 respectively.
The dollar fell broadly against the Euro and the Pound but strengthened against the Yen on the international currency markets. Analysts said that losses in the dollar were also being driven by investors pulling out of U.S. government debt, which has pushed the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield to its highest level since late November. The dollar was little changed against the yen at 97.62 yen as traders dumped safe-haven positions taken out earlier in the week, when uncertainty over the possible impact
of swine flu had sparked higher risk aversion.
Dalasi Inter-Bank Mid Exchange Rates
USD 26.53
UKP 39.00
Euro 35.15
CFA 262.50
Dalasi Forex Bureau Mid Exchange Rates
USD 25.88
UKP 38.00
Euro 35.10
CFA 257.50
Instruments Gain; S/S Dips
All traded instruments on the money market of the Central Bank of the Gambia marked registered gains except for the Sukuk-Salam Bill which dipped by a basis point from 12.07 per cent to 12.06 per cent.
The 91- Day Bill soared by 32 basis points and was quoted at 12.36 per cent after
being quoted at 12.04 per cent last week. The 182-Day Bill climbed up by 44 basis points from a previously quoted level of 12.96 per cent and was quoted at 13.40 per cent. The longer section of the market witnessed an 8 basis point increase in the 1-Year Note. The Note is currently quoted at 14.68 per cent but was quoted at 14.60 per cent last week.
The Dalasi however depreciated by 25 bututs to D35.15 against the Euro while losing ground by 5 bututs to close at D262.50. On the parallel market, the Dalasi appreciated by 50 bututs against the Dollar to D25.88 and was stable at D38 against the Pound. The local currency however depreciated by 40 bututs against the Euro and was down by D7.50 against the CFA Francs and was quoted at D35.10 and D257.50 respectively.
The dollar fell broadly against the Euro and the Pound but strengthened against the Yen on the international currency markets. Analysts said that losses in the dollar were also being driven by investors pulling out of U.S. government debt, which has pushed the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield to its highest level since late November. The dollar was little changed against the yen at 97.62 yen as traders dumped safe-haven positions taken out earlier in the week, when uncertainty over the possible impact
of swine flu had sparked higher risk aversion.
Dalasi Inter-Bank Mid Exchange Rates
USD 26.53
UKP 39.00
Euro 35.15
CFA 262.50
Dalasi Forex Bureau Mid Exchange Rates
USD 25.88
UKP 38.00
Euro 35.10
CFA 257.50
Instruments Gain; S/S Dips
All traded instruments on the money market of the Central Bank of the Gambia marked registered gains except for the Sukuk-Salam Bill which dipped by a basis point from 12.07 per cent to 12.06 per cent.
The 91- Day Bill soared by 32 basis points and was quoted at 12.36 per cent after
being quoted at 12.04 per cent last week. The 182-Day Bill climbed up by 44 basis points from a previously quoted level of 12.96 per cent and was quoted at 13.40 per cent. The longer section of the market witnessed an 8 basis point increase in the 1-Year Note. The Note is currently quoted at 14.68 per cent but was quoted at 14.60 per cent last week.
From where I stand
Over the past weeks, I have been so tight up with other commitments that I haven't got the time to post something online. But while I was busy running up and down trying free myself from these commitments,I received so many phone calls from friends and family members both in the Gambia and abroad, who were worried and unhappy with my online contributions, especially my recent criticisms of State House Imam, Abdoulie Fatty and Yahya Jammeh.
by PK Jarju
So many things were said to me prominent among them was their plea for me to quit journalism, a profession I love and have been practising for nine long years now.
As a soft hearted person, it hurts me so much to see some family members cry their eyes out in fear of the consequences of my criticisms of the brutal and undemocratic regime of Yahya Jammeh. Because of their love for me, they don't want me to become another Deyda Hydara, Chief Manneh or Fatou Jaw Manneh.
They want me to behave like the large majority of Gambians, who despite being dissatisfied with the Jammeh regime prefer to remain silent about the misrule of the regime. They want me to ignore the brutalities and failures of Yahya Jammeh and his regime and do my own things- for my own sake and my young children.
I do appreciate their concerns but did make it clear to them that the way and manner in which Yahya Jammeh is governing the country is very very wrong and unacceptable in any civilise society and that as Gambians, we should not sit and fold our hands and allow him to continue ruining our hopes and aspirations.
We are a talk and do nation and those who can talk must speak out and does who can do must do everything they can to ensure that the principles of democracy and the rule of law, that are clearly spelt out in our noble constitution are adhered to by Yahya Jammeh and his regime.
Yahya Jammeh is transforming our country into his personal estate and is governing us any how he wants without giving a monkey to the laws of our lands. Though we voted him into office, Jammeh has grown bigger than the country and we the electorates.
The APRC regime has failed the Gambian people and instead of accepting its failures and gracefully exiting from the corridors of power, the regime is using its security officers to bully, intimate, torture and even kill people who dare speak out against its shameful misdeeds.
Utter disregard for the rule of law and of democracy have led to a situation of uncertainty. The Gambian people are today more confused by the uncertain direction of the July 22 Revolution- a revolution, which is supposedly guided by President Jammeh in his wisdom and magnanimity as the saviour of the Gambia.
Almost in my everyday communication with Gambians both at home and abroad, their fears can be seen anytime the political situation in the country is mention. While many wants to see changes, political discussions are a no go area. It is not because they don't care or because they are not being directly or indirectly affected by the misrule of the APRC regime. No it is because of fear.
Jammeh is ruling the country with an iron hand. His policy of making the lives of people who are against him as difficult as possible has put so much fear in the hearts and minds of many Gambians. And the more that fear remains in our hearts and making us silent about the deteriorating political situation in our country, the more guilty we are of strengthening dictatorship.
I am not asking all of us to be martyrs or speak out against the government of Yahya Jammeh. No! I don't believe that we all can but the love for our country, our belief in the tenets of democracy and our desire to see a free Gambia, where the rights of the people are respected and the government accountable to the people should force more and more Gambians to speak up.
On my part, I am not seeking martyrdom but exercising my civic and constitutional rights as a Gambian. I have always surrendered myself to Almighty Allah, my creator, your creator-who is in control of my destiny.
I chose to be a critic of the Jammeh regime simply because my conscience cannot allow me to turn a blind eye to the political situation in the country while a man who is 'supposed' to a servant of the people has transformed himself into their master and ruling them contrary to the democratic ideals.
I cannot do other than to speak out against the regime and suffer the consequences. I have been driven to speak out for what I believe is right and try to sensitise the people with the hope of bringing out changes in our political system.
I know that some of my criticisms have upset many but I don't give a toss for I cannot be condemned forever to say nothing and do nothing. I am not the criminal here and will continue to do what I am doing.
The criminal is the administration in Gambia, which is failing to govern the country according to the dictates of the 1997 constitution. Like my mentors at The Independent used to say, we are powerless journalists who uses our pens to fight our cause and not guns.
May Allah bless us all.
by PK Jarju
So many things were said to me prominent among them was their plea for me to quit journalism, a profession I love and have been practising for nine long years now.
As a soft hearted person, it hurts me so much to see some family members cry their eyes out in fear of the consequences of my criticisms of the brutal and undemocratic regime of Yahya Jammeh. Because of their love for me, they don't want me to become another Deyda Hydara, Chief Manneh or Fatou Jaw Manneh.
They want me to behave like the large majority of Gambians, who despite being dissatisfied with the Jammeh regime prefer to remain silent about the misrule of the regime. They want me to ignore the brutalities and failures of Yahya Jammeh and his regime and do my own things- for my own sake and my young children.
I do appreciate their concerns but did make it clear to them that the way and manner in which Yahya Jammeh is governing the country is very very wrong and unacceptable in any civilise society and that as Gambians, we should not sit and fold our hands and allow him to continue ruining our hopes and aspirations.
We are a talk and do nation and those who can talk must speak out and does who can do must do everything they can to ensure that the principles of democracy and the rule of law, that are clearly spelt out in our noble constitution are adhered to by Yahya Jammeh and his regime.
Yahya Jammeh is transforming our country into his personal estate and is governing us any how he wants without giving a monkey to the laws of our lands. Though we voted him into office, Jammeh has grown bigger than the country and we the electorates.
The APRC regime has failed the Gambian people and instead of accepting its failures and gracefully exiting from the corridors of power, the regime is using its security officers to bully, intimate, torture and even kill people who dare speak out against its shameful misdeeds.
Utter disregard for the rule of law and of democracy have led to a situation of uncertainty. The Gambian people are today more confused by the uncertain direction of the July 22 Revolution- a revolution, which is supposedly guided by President Jammeh in his wisdom and magnanimity as the saviour of the Gambia.
Almost in my everyday communication with Gambians both at home and abroad, their fears can be seen anytime the political situation in the country is mention. While many wants to see changes, political discussions are a no go area. It is not because they don't care or because they are not being directly or indirectly affected by the misrule of the APRC regime. No it is because of fear.
Jammeh is ruling the country with an iron hand. His policy of making the lives of people who are against him as difficult as possible has put so much fear in the hearts and minds of many Gambians. And the more that fear remains in our hearts and making us silent about the deteriorating political situation in our country, the more guilty we are of strengthening dictatorship.
I am not asking all of us to be martyrs or speak out against the government of Yahya Jammeh. No! I don't believe that we all can but the love for our country, our belief in the tenets of democracy and our desire to see a free Gambia, where the rights of the people are respected and the government accountable to the people should force more and more Gambians to speak up.
On my part, I am not seeking martyrdom but exercising my civic and constitutional rights as a Gambian. I have always surrendered myself to Almighty Allah, my creator, your creator-who is in control of my destiny.
I chose to be a critic of the Jammeh regime simply because my conscience cannot allow me to turn a blind eye to the political situation in the country while a man who is 'supposed' to a servant of the people has transformed himself into their master and ruling them contrary to the democratic ideals.
I cannot do other than to speak out against the regime and suffer the consequences. I have been driven to speak out for what I believe is right and try to sensitise the people with the hope of bringing out changes in our political system.
I know that some of my criticisms have upset many but I don't give a toss for I cannot be condemned forever to say nothing and do nothing. I am not the criminal here and will continue to do what I am doing.
The criminal is the administration in Gambia, which is failing to govern the country according to the dictates of the 1997 constitution. Like my mentors at The Independent used to say, we are powerless journalists who uses our pens to fight our cause and not guns.
May Allah bless us all.
Thursday, 23 April 2009
Dalasi & Butut: Dalasi Negates YTD against Greenback
The Dalasi depreciated against the greenback on both the interbank and the parallel markets this week – bringing its Year-to-Date (YTD) return against the dollar to a -1.13 per cent. On the interbank market, the local currency moved south by 30 bututs and was quoted at D26.65 and also depreciated by 50 bututs against the Pound to close at D38.75.
The Gambian currency, however, appreciated by 37 bututs against the Euro to D35.38 but lost 5 bututs to the CFA Francs and was quoted at D262.50. On the parallel market, the Dalasi weakened by 30 bututs against the dollar to D26.38 and lost D1 to the pound to close at D38.
Against the Euro, the local currency gained 10 Bututs but was unchanged against the
CFA Francs, closing the week at D34.70 and D250 respectively. On the international currencies market this week, the dollar was stable against the Japanese Yen but posted gains against the Euro while depreciating against the UK Pound.
The dollar depreciated by 3.4 per cent against the Pound and was quoted at $1.49 but improved by 1.5 per cent against the Euro to close the week at $1.31. The Japanese Yen was stable against the dollar and exchanged hands at $98.59.
Dalasi Inter-Bank Mid Exchange Rates
USD 26.65
UKP 38.75
Euro 35.38
CFA 262.50
Dalasi Forex Bureau Mid Exchange Rates
USD 26.38
UKP 38.00
Euro 34.70
CFA 250.00
91-Day Bill Closes-in on 12 Per Cent…
Instruments traded on the floor of the central bank of the Gambia marked gains following the end of this week’s trading session. The 91-Day Bill improved by 27 basis points from 11.72 per cent and was quoted at 11.99 per cent.
The 182-Day Bill was up by 7 basis points and was quoted at 12.85 per cent. The Bill was quoted at 12.78 per cent a week ago. Toward the longer segment of the money market, the 1-Year Note was quoted at 14.59 per cent after moving up by 14 basis points.
The Note was previously quoted at 14.45 per cent. We anticipate bills to remain pointed northwards on the basis of significant pressures on domestic borrowing –
as deficit financing remains bleak.
The Gambian currency, however, appreciated by 37 bututs against the Euro to D35.38 but lost 5 bututs to the CFA Francs and was quoted at D262.50. On the parallel market, the Dalasi weakened by 30 bututs against the dollar to D26.38 and lost D1 to the pound to close at D38.
Against the Euro, the local currency gained 10 Bututs but was unchanged against the
CFA Francs, closing the week at D34.70 and D250 respectively. On the international currencies market this week, the dollar was stable against the Japanese Yen but posted gains against the Euro while depreciating against the UK Pound.
The dollar depreciated by 3.4 per cent against the Pound and was quoted at $1.49 but improved by 1.5 per cent against the Euro to close the week at $1.31. The Japanese Yen was stable against the dollar and exchanged hands at $98.59.
Dalasi Inter-Bank Mid Exchange Rates
USD 26.65
UKP 38.75
Euro 35.38
CFA 262.50
Dalasi Forex Bureau Mid Exchange Rates
USD 26.38
UKP 38.00
Euro 34.70
CFA 250.00
91-Day Bill Closes-in on 12 Per Cent…
Instruments traded on the floor of the central bank of the Gambia marked gains following the end of this week’s trading session. The 91-Day Bill improved by 27 basis points from 11.72 per cent and was quoted at 11.99 per cent.
The 182-Day Bill was up by 7 basis points and was quoted at 12.85 per cent. The Bill was quoted at 12.78 per cent a week ago. Toward the longer segment of the money market, the 1-Year Note was quoted at 14.59 per cent after moving up by 14 basis points.
The Note was previously quoted at 14.45 per cent. We anticipate bills to remain pointed northwards on the basis of significant pressures on domestic borrowing –
as deficit financing remains bleak.
Wednesday, 15 April 2009
Hold it Madam Speaker!
This morning, I came across a story published in Foroyaa Newspaper captioned Speaker clash with Member for Sami.
In the story, Speaker Fatoumata Jahumpa Ceesay was reported to have gone bananas when the Member of Sami, Lamin Ceesay called for proper arrangements to be made to avoid the President turning up late at state functions.
Mr Ceesay was making reference to the late appearance of President Jammeh for the opening of the 2009 legislative year.
Speaker Ceesay's response to the honourable gentleman exposes here pettiness and partiality in her role as speaker. With due respect to my dear friend, I think Lamin Ceesay made a right observation which has nothing to do with politics. And if there is anyone playing the political card, it is the the speaker.
What Jahumpa Ceesay needs to know is that although Jammeh is the President of every Gambian as she correctly stated, yet he is not above the National Assembly as he can be remove by Members of the National Assembly.
Members of the National Assembly have a right to speak out against President Jammeh and his government during debates. The President is not above criticism and if the speaker don't want to hear him being criticise by National Assembly Members then she should quit.
Looking at the way our National Assembly is being operated, it does not surprise me that the malpractices of the Jammeh regime are going on check. Take for instance, non of the National Assembly Members have used the adjournment debate to ask the government to explain its role in the ridiculous nationwide witch hunting exercise which has claimed the lives of many Gambians.
This is a complete joke.
In the story, Speaker Fatoumata Jahumpa Ceesay was reported to have gone bananas when the Member of Sami, Lamin Ceesay called for proper arrangements to be made to avoid the President turning up late at state functions.
Mr Ceesay was making reference to the late appearance of President Jammeh for the opening of the 2009 legislative year.
Speaker Ceesay's response to the honourable gentleman exposes here pettiness and partiality in her role as speaker. With due respect to my dear friend, I think Lamin Ceesay made a right observation which has nothing to do with politics. And if there is anyone playing the political card, it is the the speaker.
What Jahumpa Ceesay needs to know is that although Jammeh is the President of every Gambian as she correctly stated, yet he is not above the National Assembly as he can be remove by Members of the National Assembly.
Members of the National Assembly have a right to speak out against President Jammeh and his government during debates. The President is not above criticism and if the speaker don't want to hear him being criticise by National Assembly Members then she should quit.
Looking at the way our National Assembly is being operated, it does not surprise me that the malpractices of the Jammeh regime are going on check. Take for instance, non of the National Assembly Members have used the adjournment debate to ask the government to explain its role in the ridiculous nationwide witch hunting exercise which has claimed the lives of many Gambians.
This is a complete joke.
Gambia’s Green Monkeys Suffer From Overexposure
It’s not only among humans that obesity is a major health problem. In Bijilo Forest Park in The Gambia, it is the green monkeys who are piling into the fast food and risking early-onset diabetes. Years ago, these monkeys foraged for their food. They worked hard, expended energy and ate wild foods appropriate for a wild primate. They were healthy. Today, they feast on ready-prepared food and what amounts to poison for animals is being handed to them by the very people who pay to see them living in their natural environment—tourists.
One of the most densely populated and poorest countries in Africa, The Gambia opened Bijilo to the public in 1991. Tree-felling was occurring on a massive scale as the demand increased for rhun palm—an extremely valuable timber, easily split yet very durable—to build telegraph poles, posts, beams, windows and door frames. The wildlife was losing its habitat at an alarming rate. In addition, the monkeys were being harassed out of existence by young boys wielding sticks and packs of dogs. If nothing were done, one of the last stands of rhun palms and its associated wildlife would disappear.
The only way to properly protect the area, the authorities agreed, was to upgrade the fencing, hire local people to work within the forest and open the area to the public. By making the park a public area, both educational and financial gains could be made. Situated beside the Atlantic Ocean, seven miles or so from the capital Banjul, the 127-acre park was within easy walking distance of many of the country’s hotels and immediately accessible to the tourists who flock to The Gambia every winter. A wide path, almost three miles long, with benches at strategic points, winds its way through mixed woodland forest, sand dunes and tree and shrub savannah. The roar of the Atlantic is always present.
Amid this mosaic habitat live more than 133 species of bird and four species of primate: the vulnerable red colobus, fleet-footed patas monkeys, nocturnal galagos—and the green monkeys. In the park’s first five months, more than a thousand tourists visited. Today, 23,000 visitors enter every year. Once one of The Gambia’s secrets, Bijilo is a victim of own success—and excesses. Despite notices forbidding the feeding of the monkeys, tourists are able to buy bags of groundnuts specifically for this purpose. Being incredibly smart, the animals soon learnt that, rather than forage for their own food, they could sit on a path and wait for it to fall from human hands. This disruption to their natural behavior has caused them to become incredibly aggressive—among themselves and towards tourists.
They have altered their home range and now congregate on the path near the entrance and next to the benches. I have counted groups of more than 70 overfed green monkeys sitting on a path for hours, fighting, playing and grooming—and waiting for another little plastic bag of nuts to be offered. Empty bags litter the path and the monkeys spend their time sucking on them—risking death by suffocation. I have pleaded with officials to stop the sale of groundnuts, but the park guides know that if the tourists can get close to, and perhaps chased or accosted by a monkey, their fee at the end of the tour will be significantly higher.
Animals and plants do not live in isolation: they form an intricate web of dependency. Tourists who pass through Bijilo become part of this web, of which the park management is part. And now that web is disintegrating. One morning recently, as I approached a group of tourists and their guide feeding some green monkeys, I asked them, please, to stop. The tourists—smelling of talcum powder and insect-repellent and laden with guidebooks, bags, cameras and strollers—continued their feeding and the guide simply laughed when one of the men stepped on a green’s tail. As the monkey screeched off into the trees, the tourists howled with delight. Clearly they saw this as a wonderful experience. I could only view it as an ill omen for the future of the green monkey.
One presumes that tourists insist on feeding the monkeys because they are looking for a special connection between themselves and the animals. In fact, the guides and the tourists are creating a generation of pests. Unlike the greens, the colobus are not pests; they are not interested in handouts. This does not mean, however, that they are not affected by human behavior. Today, Bijilo stands alone as a small oasis amid tourist complexes and beach restaurants. Where once there were beautiful forests, there are now just tree stumps and half-built structures—the beginnings of a five-star hotel, conference center and 18-hole golf course. The local people lose more land; the animals lose more trees.
The colobus monkeys simply do not have enough room. The population is becoming compacted and dense. For years, Bijilo supported two separate troops; now there are three. Fights among individuals and between troops are an everyday occurrence. So many changes have occurred within this small spit of land. Ten years ago, there were so many monitor lizards that I almost tripped over them; now I rarely see them. In the past, I often saw the trails of the cape clawless otters. Now, nothing. And the cane rats? They are gone. The ground hornbills used to strut around like wild turkeys. No longer.
In spite of these problems, I find Bijilo magical. There is still a colorful display of wild orchids and lilies and salt-tolerant vines, statuesque silk cotton trees, rhun palms and baobabs, plus innumerable weird and wonderful spiders and bugs and birds.
The breaking of branches and the rustling of dead leaves on the forest floor all tell a story. The shrill cries and deep grunts, snorts and squeals of the unseen tell another. For me, understanding Bijilo is waiting quietly next to a grotesquely shaped baobab to see what will arrive to feed on the fruits—and listening, always listening.
Unfortunately, for most people, Bijilo is turning into a circus. Back in 1991 it was hoped that tourism would save the forest from destruction and its wild inhabitants from decimation. reads Today, it looks as though the tourists are leading the demolition.
Environmental News Network (press release) -
One of the most densely populated and poorest countries in Africa, The Gambia opened Bijilo to the public in 1991. Tree-felling was occurring on a massive scale as the demand increased for rhun palm—an extremely valuable timber, easily split yet very durable—to build telegraph poles, posts, beams, windows and door frames. The wildlife was losing its habitat at an alarming rate. In addition, the monkeys were being harassed out of existence by young boys wielding sticks and packs of dogs. If nothing were done, one of the last stands of rhun palms and its associated wildlife would disappear.
The only way to properly protect the area, the authorities agreed, was to upgrade the fencing, hire local people to work within the forest and open the area to the public. By making the park a public area, both educational and financial gains could be made. Situated beside the Atlantic Ocean, seven miles or so from the capital Banjul, the 127-acre park was within easy walking distance of many of the country’s hotels and immediately accessible to the tourists who flock to The Gambia every winter. A wide path, almost three miles long, with benches at strategic points, winds its way through mixed woodland forest, sand dunes and tree and shrub savannah. The roar of the Atlantic is always present.
Amid this mosaic habitat live more than 133 species of bird and four species of primate: the vulnerable red colobus, fleet-footed patas monkeys, nocturnal galagos—and the green monkeys. In the park’s first five months, more than a thousand tourists visited. Today, 23,000 visitors enter every year. Once one of The Gambia’s secrets, Bijilo is a victim of own success—and excesses. Despite notices forbidding the feeding of the monkeys, tourists are able to buy bags of groundnuts specifically for this purpose. Being incredibly smart, the animals soon learnt that, rather than forage for their own food, they could sit on a path and wait for it to fall from human hands. This disruption to their natural behavior has caused them to become incredibly aggressive—among themselves and towards tourists.
They have altered their home range and now congregate on the path near the entrance and next to the benches. I have counted groups of more than 70 overfed green monkeys sitting on a path for hours, fighting, playing and grooming—and waiting for another little plastic bag of nuts to be offered. Empty bags litter the path and the monkeys spend their time sucking on them—risking death by suffocation. I have pleaded with officials to stop the sale of groundnuts, but the park guides know that if the tourists can get close to, and perhaps chased or accosted by a monkey, their fee at the end of the tour will be significantly higher.
Animals and plants do not live in isolation: they form an intricate web of dependency. Tourists who pass through Bijilo become part of this web, of which the park management is part. And now that web is disintegrating. One morning recently, as I approached a group of tourists and their guide feeding some green monkeys, I asked them, please, to stop. The tourists—smelling of talcum powder and insect-repellent and laden with guidebooks, bags, cameras and strollers—continued their feeding and the guide simply laughed when one of the men stepped on a green’s tail. As the monkey screeched off into the trees, the tourists howled with delight. Clearly they saw this as a wonderful experience. I could only view it as an ill omen for the future of the green monkey.
One presumes that tourists insist on feeding the monkeys because they are looking for a special connection between themselves and the animals. In fact, the guides and the tourists are creating a generation of pests. Unlike the greens, the colobus are not pests; they are not interested in handouts. This does not mean, however, that they are not affected by human behavior. Today, Bijilo stands alone as a small oasis amid tourist complexes and beach restaurants. Where once there were beautiful forests, there are now just tree stumps and half-built structures—the beginnings of a five-star hotel, conference center and 18-hole golf course. The local people lose more land; the animals lose more trees.
The colobus monkeys simply do not have enough room. The population is becoming compacted and dense. For years, Bijilo supported two separate troops; now there are three. Fights among individuals and between troops are an everyday occurrence. So many changes have occurred within this small spit of land. Ten years ago, there were so many monitor lizards that I almost tripped over them; now I rarely see them. In the past, I often saw the trails of the cape clawless otters. Now, nothing. And the cane rats? They are gone. The ground hornbills used to strut around like wild turkeys. No longer.
In spite of these problems, I find Bijilo magical. There is still a colorful display of wild orchids and lilies and salt-tolerant vines, statuesque silk cotton trees, rhun palms and baobabs, plus innumerable weird and wonderful spiders and bugs and birds.
The breaking of branches and the rustling of dead leaves on the forest floor all tell a story. The shrill cries and deep grunts, snorts and squeals of the unseen tell another. For me, understanding Bijilo is waiting quietly next to a grotesquely shaped baobab to see what will arrive to feed on the fruits—and listening, always listening.
Unfortunately, for most people, Bijilo is turning into a circus. Back in 1991 it was hoped that tourism would save the forest from destruction and its wild inhabitants from decimation. reads Today, it looks as though the tourists are leading the demolition.
Environmental News Network (press release) -
Chief Manneh is dead
AFP Gambian journalist Chief Ebrima Manneh, who has been missing for nearly three years, is no longer alive, a senior police source at Gambia's notorious Mile Two prison told AFP Monday.
The police source, who would not give his name saying he would be arrested or killed if he was identified, said he last saw Manneh at the prison sometime last year when he was taken away by a plain clothed officer in the middle of the night.
"That was the last day I set my eyes on him and to the best of my knowledge, Chief Manneh is not alive", he told AFP.
Manneh, who worked for the pro-government newspaper the Daily Observer, disappeared in July 2006 after being picked up in the newspaper building by men who said they were with the Gambian intelligence service NIA.
Sources at the newspaper say Manneh was targetted because he was working on an article which criticized the Gambian government for a foreign news organisation.
The Gambian authorities have always denied they were holding Manneh in custody.
Last week in a first public reaction to an Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) court ruling in June last year ordering Banjul to release Manneh, Attorney-General and Justice Minister Marie Saine Firdaus said she had no knowledge of the journalist's whereabouts.
"It is rather unfortunate and disappointing to hear the Attorney General and Minister publicly saying that Chief Manneh is not in the custody of the State," the police source told AFP.
"Chief Manneh was sometime last year seen at Mile Two central prison under the escort of a plain clothed officer who whisked him away at around 2 am," he added, saying that the situation had gotten out of control.
After the case was taken to a regional court by a west African media watchdog, ECOWAS ruled that Gambia had illegally arrested and detained Manneh, and ordered his release. The Attorney-General announced last week that Banjul would appeal the ruling.
Manneh's ageing mother told AFP by phone that she has no hope her son will return alive.
"Nothing can convince me that my breadwinner son is still alive," she said.
"We leave everything in the hands of God and I hope one day (...) the truth shall prevail."
Gambia, a former British colony, surrounded by Senegal on three sides, is often criticized for its poor human rights record and heavy-handed restrictions on the media.
Human rights organisations estimate that some 40 Gambians are being held at various detention centres without trial, years after being taken into custody. Journalists are routinely harassed and many independent reporters have faced court cases for sedition or giving false information.
The police source, who would not give his name saying he would be arrested or killed if he was identified, said he last saw Manneh at the prison sometime last year when he was taken away by a plain clothed officer in the middle of the night.
"That was the last day I set my eyes on him and to the best of my knowledge, Chief Manneh is not alive", he told AFP.
Manneh, who worked for the pro-government newspaper the Daily Observer, disappeared in July 2006 after being picked up in the newspaper building by men who said they were with the Gambian intelligence service NIA.
Sources at the newspaper say Manneh was targetted because he was working on an article which criticized the Gambian government for a foreign news organisation.
The Gambian authorities have always denied they were holding Manneh in custody.
Last week in a first public reaction to an Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) court ruling in June last year ordering Banjul to release Manneh, Attorney-General and Justice Minister Marie Saine Firdaus said she had no knowledge of the journalist's whereabouts.
"It is rather unfortunate and disappointing to hear the Attorney General and Minister publicly saying that Chief Manneh is not in the custody of the State," the police source told AFP.
"Chief Manneh was sometime last year seen at Mile Two central prison under the escort of a plain clothed officer who whisked him away at around 2 am," he added, saying that the situation had gotten out of control.
After the case was taken to a regional court by a west African media watchdog, ECOWAS ruled that Gambia had illegally arrested and detained Manneh, and ordered his release. The Attorney-General announced last week that Banjul would appeal the ruling.
Manneh's ageing mother told AFP by phone that she has no hope her son will return alive.
"Nothing can convince me that my breadwinner son is still alive," she said.
"We leave everything in the hands of God and I hope one day (...) the truth shall prevail."
Gambia, a former British colony, surrounded by Senegal on three sides, is often criticized for its poor human rights record and heavy-handed restrictions on the media.
Human rights organisations estimate that some 40 Gambians are being held at various detention centres without trial, years after being taken into custody. Journalists are routinely harassed and many independent reporters have faced court cases for sedition or giving false information.
Tuesday, 14 April 2009
Stars call for end to archaic libel laws
The actor and comedian Rowan Atkinson and writer Andrew O’Hagan are heading a coalition of entertainers, writers, lawyers and journalists in a move today for the scrapping of an archaic law that allows people to be jailed for speaking out.
MPs will debate an amendment to the Coroners and Justice Bill that would repeal the offences of seditious libel and criminal defamation, offences that date from the 17th-century.
The repeal of the laws, which is being urged by groups including Index on Censorship, Liberty and English PEN, would protect the rights not only of British citizens but of people across the world where states commonly use charges of sedition and criminal libel to silence their critics.
Human rights groups campaigning for the release of individuals imprisoned abroad for their views are hampered in their campaigns by the existence of similar laws in Britain.
The move for reform is being led by Dr Evan Harris, the Liberal Democrat MP, who has tabled the amendment.
He said: “Seditious libel and criminal defamation laws are a stain on our legal system and a terrible example to set in a world where free expression is so often restricted and oppressed. Parliament should sieze this chance to get rid of them.”
Rowan Atkinson added: “An opportunity to rid ourselves of censorious legislation shoudl always be grasped with both hands; any law which has fallen out of use here and yet is providing inspiration for such misuse abroad must be a prime candidate for the chop.”
Abolition of the law, which is supported by leading media and human rights lawyers such as Geoffrey Robertson, QC, and Lord Lester of Herne Hill, QC, has aleady been urged by the Government’s law reform body, the Law Commission.
The Cabinet minister Peter Hain narrowly escaped a prosecution for criminal libel 30 years ago when an anti-apartheid campaigner. He has used a magazine to name the late Tory environment secretary, Geoffrey Rippon, as the third minnister in the Norma Levy call girl scandal whose revelations prompted the resignations of the then defence minister, Lord Lambton, and the then Lord Privy Seal, Lord Jellicoe.
The existence on the statute book continues to legitimise its use by foreign rulers. In The Gambia, Abdul Hamid Adiamoh, editor of the independent Today newspaper, is standing trial for “publishing with seditions intention” a report on poverty in that country; and in Turkey, defamation laws were used in an attempt to silence the writer and Nobel prizewinner Orhan Pamuk.
Uses of the law in Britain include the proceedings against John Wilkes, MP, who fought an extended battle with the Commons and its pro-royalist faction in the mid 18th century which resulted in the banning of the right to publish verbatim records of Parliamentary proceedings.
The widely-drawn definition of seditious intent involves bringing into hatred or contempt or disaffection the monarch, family or successors; the Government, its laws; Parliament; the administration of justice or to raise discontent or disaffection among the public.
Geoffrey Robertson, QC, said: "These laws have an inglorious history. They were deployed by the King’s lick-spittle judges in the Star Chamber to torture puritans, and later used against John Wilkes and Tom Paine’s publishers.
"Their continuing existence serves only to provide an excuse for modern despots when they jail their critics – they always claim that they are merely using laws that are also on the UK statute book. It is time to expunge them.”
Times online, UK
Monday, 13 April 2009
IFJ wants ECOWAS court's verdict on Chief Manneh enforced
PANA: The global press freedom body, International Federation of Journalist (IFJ), Friday called for the enforcement of sub-regional body ECOWAS court's ruling on disappeared Gambian journalist, Chief Ebrima Manneh, an IFJ statement received here by PANA said.
The IFJ statement came in the wake of Gambian Justice Minister's declaration that “Chief Ebrima Manneh is not in state custody”.
“The Gambian authorities have the obligation to produce the missing journalist or to investigate and find out his whereabouts; in other words they are bound to enforce the decision of the ECOWAS Court,” said Gabriel Baglo, IFJ Director for A f rica Office.
“We are calling on ECOWAS and the Gambia to enforce the ruling of the court, otherwise, this would just prove the disrespect of Gambian government to the regional institution and its regulations and the level of impunity that reigns in the Gambia," Baglo noted.
The ECOWAS court sitting in Abuja, Nigeria, last June ordered the Gambian government to release the journalist and compensate him after delivering a verdict against the government.
The Accra-based sub-regional press freedom body, Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), had filed the suit against the Gambian government on behalf of the disappeared journalist.
No Easy Guy
Short story
By Baba Galleh Jallow
Dr. Bopagi Botiharr Kakatarr, managing director of Daaneko Enterprises, was a famous guy in our little town. With a bachelor’s degree in Wahology from the famous University of Kungfeteng, a Masters degree in Jahaseh Techniques from Hiding University and a PhD in Windpiping from the prestigious University of Mattafoof, Dr. Bopagi Botiharr Kakatarr was a veritable walking encyclopedia of universal knowledge.
Not only was Bopagi Botiharr smart, he was also fast. He could fly to heaven and come back to earth within the wink of an eye. He liked to boast that he was the wind that blew without moving, the light that flashed without shining. And if you really doubted these words, you would be convinced when you hear him tell how he single-handedly grabbed all the heavenly bodies in his single palm and flung them off to nowhere!
Dr. Bopagi Botiharr, alias Mumble, did not in fact mumble when he spoke. His speech was clear as crystal and his voice loud as thunder, though sharp and not ear splitting like cackling rumbling of the angry clouds. Bopagi Botiharr spoke in soft, but clear and measured tones, and was always careful to ask his audience to listen with more than two ears because what he was saying was a matter of life and death to all concerned. Sometimes, to emphasize his points, he would cluck like a duck and smack his lips in the manner of a well-drunk gentleman. Indeed, his manner of speech alone was enough to send our common townsfolk exclaiming in delight and thanking their stars that they had such a vocal guy in their midst.
It is simply impossible to list all the great qualities of our famous Dr. Bopagi Botiharr Kakatarr. Suffice it to say that he was an all-in-one, or a one-in-all depending on how you look at it. If you heard how Bopagi Botiharr claimed that he could jump so high that his head would hit the sky, or that he could pluck a star from heaven and put it in his breast pocket, or indeed that if he so wished, he could make Fidel Castro young again, then you would know that this famous guy was not to be messed with. He had a way of staring at you and raising his lips to heaven when he spoke that you just felt like falling at his feet and calling him sir. “Listen, listen,” he would say. “This is not about what you think it is about. It is about something you don’t understand. I’ll explain.” This wise exhortation would be followed by a gentle pause, the prelude to the release of a well-crafted piece of oratory that sent all our common townsfolk squealing and squeaking in total delight.
If Bopagi Botiharr told you that no one could break his words, or that his resolve was harder than iron, you better believe him. For the guy had a way of doing things that just defies classification. You should see him summon the whole world to his mind and deliver to them such a rousing speech that they would all raise their hands and open their mouths in a universal hail of the great Bopagi Botiharr. They would create such a clamor that all the birds would fly in fright and the surprised sheep would turn their heads and loudly bleat. Whereby Bopagi Botiharr would cluck like a duck and smack his lips like a well-drunk gentleman and wait for the noise to die down before letting fly his other points.
Bopagi Botiharr was a master of civilizations. He liked to say that he was not only a walking book, but also a walking civilizana. He claimed to be particularly versed in the complex world of western civilization. Sometimes, when he was in a particularly good mood, Bopagi Botiharr would plunge into a learned exposition of early modern European civilization. He was a particular darling of the Italian renaissance and would make it especially clear that he was neither a popolo minute nor a popolo grossos. “I am in fact,” he would say, “a popolo grandi, if you know what I mean,” tilting his lips to the heavens and staring straight into the amazed faces of our common townsfolk. Clucking like a duck and smacking his lips like a well-drunk gentleman, Bopagi Botiharr would add: “And as a popolo grandi, my task is to build the world of human intelligence and make sure that those who doubt my capacities wake up on the wrong side of their beds. I just mean to say that I am no easy guy, and you folks know that.” Thus it was that if our common townsfolk wanted to hear some really juicy stuff from our great Dr. Bopagi Botiharr, they would simply and loudly hail him popolo grandi or tap him softly on the back and say, “hey, you really are no easy guy.”
By Baba Galleh Jallow
Dr. Bopagi Botiharr Kakatarr, managing director of Daaneko Enterprises, was a famous guy in our little town. With a bachelor’s degree in Wahology from the famous University of Kungfeteng, a Masters degree in Jahaseh Techniques from Hiding University and a PhD in Windpiping from the prestigious University of Mattafoof, Dr. Bopagi Botiharr Kakatarr was a veritable walking encyclopedia of universal knowledge.
Not only was Bopagi Botiharr smart, he was also fast. He could fly to heaven and come back to earth within the wink of an eye. He liked to boast that he was the wind that blew without moving, the light that flashed without shining. And if you really doubted these words, you would be convinced when you hear him tell how he single-handedly grabbed all the heavenly bodies in his single palm and flung them off to nowhere!
Dr. Bopagi Botiharr, alias Mumble, did not in fact mumble when he spoke. His speech was clear as crystal and his voice loud as thunder, though sharp and not ear splitting like cackling rumbling of the angry clouds. Bopagi Botiharr spoke in soft, but clear and measured tones, and was always careful to ask his audience to listen with more than two ears because what he was saying was a matter of life and death to all concerned. Sometimes, to emphasize his points, he would cluck like a duck and smack his lips in the manner of a well-drunk gentleman. Indeed, his manner of speech alone was enough to send our common townsfolk exclaiming in delight and thanking their stars that they had such a vocal guy in their midst.
It is simply impossible to list all the great qualities of our famous Dr. Bopagi Botiharr Kakatarr. Suffice it to say that he was an all-in-one, or a one-in-all depending on how you look at it. If you heard how Bopagi Botiharr claimed that he could jump so high that his head would hit the sky, or that he could pluck a star from heaven and put it in his breast pocket, or indeed that if he so wished, he could make Fidel Castro young again, then you would know that this famous guy was not to be messed with. He had a way of staring at you and raising his lips to heaven when he spoke that you just felt like falling at his feet and calling him sir. “Listen, listen,” he would say. “This is not about what you think it is about. It is about something you don’t understand. I’ll explain.” This wise exhortation would be followed by a gentle pause, the prelude to the release of a well-crafted piece of oratory that sent all our common townsfolk squealing and squeaking in total delight.
If Bopagi Botiharr told you that no one could break his words, or that his resolve was harder than iron, you better believe him. For the guy had a way of doing things that just defies classification. You should see him summon the whole world to his mind and deliver to them such a rousing speech that they would all raise their hands and open their mouths in a universal hail of the great Bopagi Botiharr. They would create such a clamor that all the birds would fly in fright and the surprised sheep would turn their heads and loudly bleat. Whereby Bopagi Botiharr would cluck like a duck and smack his lips like a well-drunk gentleman and wait for the noise to die down before letting fly his other points.
Bopagi Botiharr was a master of civilizations. He liked to say that he was not only a walking book, but also a walking civilizana. He claimed to be particularly versed in the complex world of western civilization. Sometimes, when he was in a particularly good mood, Bopagi Botiharr would plunge into a learned exposition of early modern European civilization. He was a particular darling of the Italian renaissance and would make it especially clear that he was neither a popolo minute nor a popolo grossos. “I am in fact,” he would say, “a popolo grandi, if you know what I mean,” tilting his lips to the heavens and staring straight into the amazed faces of our common townsfolk. Clucking like a duck and smacking his lips like a well-drunk gentleman, Bopagi Botiharr would add: “And as a popolo grandi, my task is to build the world of human intelligence and make sure that those who doubt my capacities wake up on the wrong side of their beds. I just mean to say that I am no easy guy, and you folks know that.” Thus it was that if our common townsfolk wanted to hear some really juicy stuff from our great Dr. Bopagi Botiharr, they would simply and loudly hail him popolo grandi or tap him softly on the back and say, “hey, you really are no easy guy.”
Friday, 10 April 2009
From Abduction to Ritual Cleansing
Foroyaa, Banjul:
Foroyaa has been following developments in the country very closely to determine whether the abduction of innocent people by witch craft practioners is continuing or has come to a stop.
After our review of the operations of the witchcraft practioners in western Division and CRD we can now detect a departure from the old trend of abduction and the embracing of a new trend of ritual cleansing.
Since the withdrawal of charges against Halifa Sallah and the submission of his letter to President Jammeh questioning government policy on the screening of witches we have not received any report of fresh abductions and attempt to force people to take hallucinogenic concoctions.
The latest report of the movements of the witchcraft practioners is centred on their trip to Janjangbureh.
According to eye witnesses, the witchcraft practioners who were escorted by security forces and green boys and girls arrived in Janjangbureh on Wednesday 8th April 2009. They were transported by three vehicles, a white pick up, a green pick up and a pajero. Upon their arrival, they are reported to have told the chief that they were sent by the President to conduct rituals to rid the area of evil spirits. They asked each person to report what they see correctly to anyone who goes to make inquiries so that they would not be misquoted or misrepresented.
It is reported to Foroyaa that the witch hunters visited the Upper Basic School in Janjangbureh where they slaughtered a cock and a goat. The cock was buried and the goat taken to be skinned and the meat shared. The children at the school are said to be on holidays.
According to other eye witnesses the witch hunters met the chief and explained that they were sent by the authorities to perform their ritual in order to protect the bridge which is to be built at the Sankuley Kunda crossing. After their explanation they were accompanied to the site to perform their rituals. They had a cock, a goat and condiments for cooking.
One Simbong Sidibeh killed the goat on behalf of the chief. The cock was buried with the condiments and the goat was taken to the resident of the chief. Prayers were recited before the team left.
What happened in Jangjanbureh is similar to what happened in Kampasa and other villages in Western Division. We are told that the abductions and compulsion to drink hallucinogenic concoctions have stopped. However some villagers in Western Division are reported to have been compelled to purchase the cock and the goat the witch hunters use to conduct their rituals.
Since the government has not made a public statement on the matter people are at the mercy of the witch hunters and their entourage. The involvement of village heads and chiefs on what may be alien to their cultural and religious practices is still a manifestation of arbitrariness in governance.
Section 32 of the constitution reads:“Every person shall be entitled to enjoy, practice, profess, maintain and promote any culture, language, tradition or religion, subject to the terms of this constitution, and to the condition that the rights protected by this section do not impinge on the rights and freedoms of others or the national interest, especially unity.”
In our view, poverty is the actual witch that is making the poor to suffer and die from anemia, malnutrition and ill-health. Poverty is the devil which needs to be exorcised.
Hence, if any person in the Gambia believes that killing a cock and burying it could serve as protection one should perform the rituals without the involvement of security forces, village heads, chiefs and the population at large. A sovereign person should not be subjected to practice a ritual which does not form a part of his/her own belief. Such rituals cannot be propagated by a state which claims to be “a Sovereign Secular Republic.” We hope the Executive fully understands what this means.
Happy Birthday Junior
As you celebrate your birthday today, May Almight Allah continue to shower His love, protection and guidance on you. May the Good Lord also grant you all the best things you wish for yourself and your family.
From Dad, mum, sister and the entire family both in Gambia and UK.
Shocking Images of Dictator Nino
Please note that these images are sickening
Dictator Nino Viera of Guinea may have died a month ago, but people will never stop talking about the way and manner in which he was killed by his own soldiers on March 2.
Bissau Guinean soldiers, who blamed Nino for the murder of their chief of staff went to his villa, threw a bomb through the window which hurt him, but didn't kill him.
The roof came down, that hurt him but didn't kill him either. He struggled out of the rubble and was promptly shot. This, however, still didn't kill him.
They then took him to his mother-in-law's house and chopped him to bits with machetes.
Picture credit:Sheriff Bojang Junior
Dictator Nino Viera of Guinea may have died a month ago, but people will never stop talking about the way and manner in which he was killed by his own soldiers on March 2.
Bissau Guinean soldiers, who blamed Nino for the murder of their chief of staff went to his villa, threw a bomb through the window which hurt him, but didn't kill him.
The roof came down, that hurt him but didn't kill him either. He struggled out of the rubble and was promptly shot. This, however, still didn't kill him.
They then took him to his mother-in-law's house and chopped him to bits with machetes.
Picture credit:Sheriff Bojang Junior
Thursday, 9 April 2009
GPU more determine to find Chief Manneh
Source AfricaNews
The president of the Gambia Press Union, Ndey Tapha Sosseh has declared that the Union is today "more determined than ever to leave no stone unturned" in its mission to trace the whereabouts of Journalist Chief Ebrima Manneh and to determine who is responsible for his disappearance.
Her statement follows a National Assembly declaration on Monday by the Attorney General and SOS for Justice, Mary Saine Firdaus of the government’s stance that Chief Ebrima Manneh is not in state custody. It was in response to a question on the issue, posed by Minority Leader, Momodou Sanneh.
Sosseh also expressed surprise that a legal person of the AG’s statue could make such public assertions, and directed her to Articles 9 and 10 of the supplementary protocol A/SP.1/01/05 of the ECOWAS Community Court which cover the human rights jurisdiction of the Court and access to the Court respectively.
“The above provisions clearly indicate that there is no requirement for exhaustion of local remedies. I think it is irrelevant and unnecessary to make claims which would actually cause doubt as to one’s abilities to handle certain positions of trust and influence.”
“I would expect that such senior legal person would be au fait with all international legal instruments and protocols that this Government is signatory to and not only that but interpret them to the Gambian public with utmost competence and in good faith,” she stated.
Sosseh added that these instruments are not “here for us to bend and weave to suit a particular position or issue” on the contrary in line with ECOWAS’ vision to move from a Community of Heads of States to a Community of peoples, these instruments are meant to safeguard the position and interests of the people of the ECOWAS.
She said that the fact that the government is aggrieved by the Court’s ruling is something else and there are ways of remedying the situation as she is sure they are aware.
“However, I’m also sure our able Attorney General would also know that the same Court has given the Gambia government ample time and notice, in the process, subpoenaing named Gambian security personnel. How come these people, were not then afforded the opportunity to clear the name of the authorities and The Gambia in this most competent Court of Law?”
She added that “the beauty and uniqueness of the ECOWAS Court decision is that decision of the Court is final” and as at now, there is no superior court to reverse the decision.
“We must also be mindful of the fact that the focus here is not only on the ECOWAS Court ruling re suit No: ECW/CCJ/APP/04/07 but also on the circumstances leading to the disappearance of Chief Ebrima Manneh. I wish more time and resources would be spent by the relevant authorities in investigating claims of disappearances and in protecting the lives and properties of all Gambians irrespective of ideological, political, religious, tribal and other orientation.”
“I also sincerely hope that now that the state has made its stance clear, the relevant authorities will take it upon themselves to commence investigations into the much talked about disappearance of Chief Ebrima Manneh.”
This reporter has also learnt from a senior official of the ECOWAS Community Court that “the only provision for the court to re-examine its decision is where there are very vital new facts unknown to the litigants at the time of hearing and which may influence the decision.”
Also reacting to the Attorney General’s statement that local remedies were not exhausted, a member of staff of the Media Foundation for West Africa who spearheaded and financed the Chief Manneh case said the “complainant does not have to exhaust local remedies. Why would the Court hear the matter if there is a proviso that domestic remedy must be exhausted?”
Meanwhile, members of the GPU Executive body on Wednesday paid a visit to the Manneh family in Lamin village where they handed over at least 5000 letters of support from concerned individuals all over the world following a joint GPU/Amnesty International campaign to globally highlight the issue of Chief Ebrima Manneh’s disappearance.
Speaking to the family members, Sosseh expressed the Union and other international institutions concern and continued determination to trace Chief Ebrima Manneh.
Sosseh also pledged the continued support to the family and said that other activities aside, Chief Manneh is always remembered in their prayers. She prayed that they remain steadfast in their belief that one day, hopefully in the not too distant future; the truth shall come to light.
PRODUCE CHIEF EBRIMA MANNEH NOW!! GPU-USA Petition
The US Chapter of the Gambia Press Union have submitted a petition to the Gambian people and the International Community demanding that President Yahya Jammeh and the Government of the Gambia immediately produce Journalist Chief Ebrima Manneh to assure his family and the general public that he is alive.
According to the association's secretary general, Baba Galleh Jallow,"The petition is prompted by a statement by Attorney General Marie Saine-Firdaus on April 6, 2009 that Chief Manneh is not in the custody of the Gambian state. Manneh was picked up around July 7, 2006 by agents of Gambia's secret police, the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), who are driectly answerable to Jammeh."
Please take a moment to read and sign this petition in support of Chief Manneh's case, for the cause of humanity, and against impunity.
http://www.petitiononline.com/gpuusa02/
Wednesday, 8 April 2009
Stop making a fool of yourself
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Gambia’s Justice Secretary has made a fool of herself when she told members of the National Assembly that the Jammeh regime is not responsible for disappearance of my colleague, Chief Ebrima Manneh.
When Marie Saine-Firdaus was called to the bar some years ago, I felt glad. Her beaming face on that day was full of hunger, hunger to serve a country we all love and call home.
Today, as I punch my computer keyboard, every respect I had for her has gone out of the window.
Forget about Pap Cheyassin Secka and Joseph Joof. Ms Saine is the worst Justice Secretary the country has seen. Since her appointment, Ms Saine as government adviser on legal matters has turned blind eye on gross human rights violations being meted out on poor Gambians by Jammeh and his thugs.
Jammeh is also using the Justice Ministry office to draft draconian laws that are giving more and more powers to the president through state instruments instead of the people.
Ms Saine has forgotten that the Ecowas Court of Justice passed its judgment in favour of Chief Manneh based on the evidence of eye witnesses who were present at the time of his arrest. The evidences of these witnesses were never contested by the Jammeh regime despite numerous requests by the regional community court.
If the Gambia government is indeed innocent of the charges, then why did it refuse to cooperate with the ECOWAS court?
Former Daily Observer MD, Saja Taal, admitted that he reported Chief Manneh to the authorities after he tried to publish a story authored by BBC's Elizabeth Blunt on the AU Banjul meeting that was critical of Jammeh.
Ms Saine needs to know that Gambians are not small children to be fooled around. So instead of making a fool of yourself, politely ask Jammeh to re-unite Chief Manneh with his aging father- that is, if he is still alive. The old man is crying himself to sleep everyday and waiting for the return of his son.
Charges against Pap Saine dropped
Source(AFP) — A Gambian court on Tuesday agreed to drop charges of giving false information against independent newspaper editor Pap Saine after a request from the prosecutor.
"I want to put an application to the court that all charges against Pap Saine relative to false publication and false broadcasting be dropped," prosecutor Kebba Sadire told the court, without offering any reason for the sudden demand. The court granted the application.
The veteran journalist and co-owner of Gambia's last independent daily The Point was due to go on trial for giving false information in a story about diplomats working for the Gambian embassy in the United States being recalled.
Saine, who is also a correspondent for the Thomson-Reuters news agency, still faces charges of obtaining Gambian identity documents under false pretences in a separate case. But observers expect those charges will be dropped as well in the coming days.
In a separate development, the Gambian justice minister assured parliament late Monday that a journalist missing since July 2006 is not in state custody, as charged by human rights organisations.
In a first public reaction to an Economic Community Of West African States court ruling in June last year ordering Banjul to release Chief Ebrima Manneh, Attorney-General and Justice Minister Marie Saine Firdaus said she had no knowledge of the journalist's whereabouts.
"The position of the government of the Gambia has been made clear ever since this issue was raised with my office and the ministry of interior and to the best of our knowledge, information and belief, Chief Ebrima is not in our custody," she said in reply to an opposition lawmaker's question.
Manneh, who worked for the pro-government newspaper the Daily Observer, disappeared after being picked up in the newspaper building by men who said they were with the Gambian intelligence service NIA.
In June of last year, after the case was taken to the regional grouping by a west African media watchdog, ECOWAS ruled that Gambia had illegally arrested and detained Manneh, and ordered his release.
Banjul is preparing an appeal to have the case dismissed on the grounds that the state can only release a person from custody if he or she is in fact in the custody of the state, the minister told the parliament.
Gambia, a former British colony, surrounded by Senegal on three sides, is often criticized for its poor human rights record and heavy-handed restrictions on the media.
God help the Gambia
Though I am not a Christian but could not stop myself from shouting Halleluiah when I read remarks by Gambian president Yahya Jammeh that Gambians are not suffering from food crisis.
Jammeh’s remarks show how least in touch he is with Gambian people over 50 per cent of who are living on less than one US dollar a day as a result of his misrule. The flamboyant dictator does not know hardship and suffering Gambians are going through because he gets too rich. He is surrounded by a bunch of sycophants and selfish people, who tell him ear-pleasing things that everything is alright with Gambian people.
Gambia’s cost of living is sky rocketing left right and centre far beyond the reach of average families. Many today cannot provide decent meals for their families forcing countless male youth to risk deadly sea voyages in search of greener pastures overseas and young girls compelled into prostitution.
Just take a stroll at night to Westfield junction, Kairaba Avenue, Afra FM or Tourism Development Area and you will see what I mean.
Take for instance, if Fatou Kurubally is to cook a decent benachin; 1 kilo of meat and bone is D75.00; 6 cups of rice is D21.00; 3 cups of oil is D21.00, pepper D10.00; tomato, D10.00; tomato paste D10.00; cabbage, D10.00; bitter tomato, D5.00; garden egg, D5.00; yate, D5.00, firewood, D10.00 costing her D189.00. This is just for lunch.
Now if Fatou wants to make breakfast for her family of six, 6 small loafs of tapa lapa bread cost D18.00, 1 egg for each bread gives a total cost of D30.00, oil to fry the eggs costs D7.00 per cup, onion costs D2.00 and pepper D2.00 giving a total cost of D65. Hence breakfast plus lunch would cost her a sum of D254.00. This represents only 2 meals a day.
The above market prices of basic commodities shows that poor Gambians earning a monthly salary of less than D5,000 will have to spend D7,620 a month in order to put decent food on the table. That excludes electric and water bills, house rent, transportation and children's school and book fees.
The much talked about salary increment as part of the civil service reform programme is put on hold indefinitely due to unexpected revenue shortfalls in 2008 and uncertain revenue prospects for this year.
In fact, Gambian economy was recently facing the danger of collapse and Government having to be bailed out by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The country is still heavily relying on foreign assistance and its tourism industry is being badly hit by global financial crisis. Many people working in the tourism industry are being laid off. A large majority of these people are bread winners of their families and you don’t need to be any rocket scientist to know what their families must be going through at the moment.
Gambia remains at high risk of debt distress, even after receiving HIPC and MDRI debt relief, due to high levels of debt in relation to exports and vulnerability to external shocks.
Gambia's Secretary of State for Finance and Economic Affairs, Bala Gaye recently admitted that in the past year, the current account deficit (including official transfers) increased by about 4 percentage points of the Gross Domestic Product (mainly due to the impact of higher international prices of commodities in earlier part of the year. This is by effects of the global financial crisis and associated economic slowdowns in Europe and the US.
Tourism receipts, remittances and re-export trade have all slowed down, and official transfers have been much lower than expected. Gross official reserves of the Central Bank of the Gambia (CBG) dropped to under four months of imports at December end 2008 compared to 5.5 months of imports at end-December 2007.
Jammeh is never honest with Gambian people when it comes to the economy. He always wants us to believe that all is booming when things are not.
The Jammeh regime has to start investing money in the production base of the economy. This will help generate much needed revenues for the country as well as provide employment opportunities to thousands of unemployed Gambians.
Who owns the money?
This week, almost all newspapers in the Gambia have published stories of Yahya Jammeh giving out 29 million, six hundred and ten thousand Dalasi to the Gambian Under 17 team and officials that attended the junior continental championship in Algeria.
You may not care how much was given to the team by President Jammeh but the big question that needs to be answered is who owns the money? Does it belong to Jammeh or the state?
As far as I am aware, the total recurrent budget of the Department of State for Youth and Sports in 2009 is D 21 million. The development budget is equivalent to D6 million. D5 million of the recurrent budget is reserved for sports and sporting activities and D1 million is supposed to be utilised to support the national football team.
Recurrent budget of the Department of Youth and Sports shows that the amount donated was never set aside for the U-17 and must have been diverted elsewhere if it indeed belongs to the state.
If it indeed belongs to the state, then Jammeh should be honest enough to tell us that the money belongs to the state and not him.
On the other hand, if the donation was from Jammeh’s own coffer, then Gambians would need know how he has acquired it in the name of transparency and accountability and transparency.
Jammeh’s earnings as president for the past 14 years cannot give him such monetary wealth. If he is really serious about eradicating corruption in the civil service then he has to take lead in being transparent and accountable to the people.
Jammeh’s remarks show how least in touch he is with Gambian people over 50 per cent of who are living on less than one US dollar a day as a result of his misrule. The flamboyant dictator does not know hardship and suffering Gambians are going through because he gets too rich. He is surrounded by a bunch of sycophants and selfish people, who tell him ear-pleasing things that everything is alright with Gambian people.
Gambia’s cost of living is sky rocketing left right and centre far beyond the reach of average families. Many today cannot provide decent meals for their families forcing countless male youth to risk deadly sea voyages in search of greener pastures overseas and young girls compelled into prostitution.
Just take a stroll at night to Westfield junction, Kairaba Avenue, Afra FM or Tourism Development Area and you will see what I mean.
Take for instance, if Fatou Kurubally is to cook a decent benachin; 1 kilo of meat and bone is D75.00; 6 cups of rice is D21.00; 3 cups of oil is D21.00, pepper D10.00; tomato, D10.00; tomato paste D10.00; cabbage, D10.00; bitter tomato, D5.00; garden egg, D5.00; yate, D5.00, firewood, D10.00 costing her D189.00. This is just for lunch.
Now if Fatou wants to make breakfast for her family of six, 6 small loafs of tapa lapa bread cost D18.00, 1 egg for each bread gives a total cost of D30.00, oil to fry the eggs costs D7.00 per cup, onion costs D2.00 and pepper D2.00 giving a total cost of D65. Hence breakfast plus lunch would cost her a sum of D254.00. This represents only 2 meals a day.
The above market prices of basic commodities shows that poor Gambians earning a monthly salary of less than D5,000 will have to spend D7,620 a month in order to put decent food on the table. That excludes electric and water bills, house rent, transportation and children's school and book fees.
The much talked about salary increment as part of the civil service reform programme is put on hold indefinitely due to unexpected revenue shortfalls in 2008 and uncertain revenue prospects for this year.
In fact, Gambian economy was recently facing the danger of collapse and Government having to be bailed out by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The country is still heavily relying on foreign assistance and its tourism industry is being badly hit by global financial crisis. Many people working in the tourism industry are being laid off. A large majority of these people are bread winners of their families and you don’t need to be any rocket scientist to know what their families must be going through at the moment.
Gambia remains at high risk of debt distress, even after receiving HIPC and MDRI debt relief, due to high levels of debt in relation to exports and vulnerability to external shocks.
Gambia's Secretary of State for Finance and Economic Affairs, Bala Gaye recently admitted that in the past year, the current account deficit (including official transfers) increased by about 4 percentage points of the Gross Domestic Product (mainly due to the impact of higher international prices of commodities in earlier part of the year. This is by effects of the global financial crisis and associated economic slowdowns in Europe and the US.
Tourism receipts, remittances and re-export trade have all slowed down, and official transfers have been much lower than expected. Gross official reserves of the Central Bank of the Gambia (CBG) dropped to under four months of imports at December end 2008 compared to 5.5 months of imports at end-December 2007.
Jammeh is never honest with Gambian people when it comes to the economy. He always wants us to believe that all is booming when things are not.
The Jammeh regime has to start investing money in the production base of the economy. This will help generate much needed revenues for the country as well as provide employment opportunities to thousands of unemployed Gambians.
Who owns the money?
This week, almost all newspapers in the Gambia have published stories of Yahya Jammeh giving out 29 million, six hundred and ten thousand Dalasi to the Gambian Under 17 team and officials that attended the junior continental championship in Algeria.
You may not care how much was given to the team by President Jammeh but the big question that needs to be answered is who owns the money? Does it belong to Jammeh or the state?
As far as I am aware, the total recurrent budget of the Department of State for Youth and Sports in 2009 is D 21 million. The development budget is equivalent to D6 million. D5 million of the recurrent budget is reserved for sports and sporting activities and D1 million is supposed to be utilised to support the national football team.
Recurrent budget of the Department of Youth and Sports shows that the amount donated was never set aside for the U-17 and must have been diverted elsewhere if it indeed belongs to the state.
If it indeed belongs to the state, then Jammeh should be honest enough to tell us that the money belongs to the state and not him.
On the other hand, if the donation was from Jammeh’s own coffer, then Gambians would need know how he has acquired it in the name of transparency and accountability and transparency.
Jammeh’s earnings as president for the past 14 years cannot give him such monetary wealth. If he is really serious about eradicating corruption in the civil service then he has to take lead in being transparent and accountable to the people.
Gambia's own Guantanamo Bay
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper, Banjul
The detention of people without trial is still continuing, as we enter the year 200. As we are now in the fourth month into the year, none of those detained since last year has been released.
Foroyaa has contacted some of the families of the persons listed below, who were known to be detained, to enquire about their fate. These families lamented their frustration over the long detention of their loved ones who they said, were neither charged nor tried by the courts. Some of the families expressed frustration and anguish for being unable to see their loved ones or to even establish there whereabouts. Some of them also expressed grieved over the incommunicado of their family members. They told Foroyaa that their loved ones were picked up in their presence by State security agents who they know and can recognise.
Journalist Chief Ebrima B. Manneh of the Daily Observer Newspaper was arrested by security agents at his office in Bakau since 7th July, 2006. His family said they moved both heaven and earth but still could not see him or establish his whereabouts. The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) had sued the government of The Gambia at the ECOWAS Court of Justice in Abuja to release Chief Manneh. The court delivered judgment in favour of the plaintiff and ordered the government to release him, but they are yet to comply with the order of the regional court.
Mr. Kanyiba Kanyi, an employee of the Christian Children Fund (CCF), was arrested by State securities agents in the presence of his family from his house at Bonto Village in Kombo East, since 18 September, 2006. His family said they could not see him since then or know his whereabouts. In late 2006, the family of Kanyiba took a lawyer and went to the High Court to secure his release. Even though the Court ordered for the unconditional release of Kanyiba, the case is still being battled out in the court due to the State’s denial of having him in their custody. The case is supposed to continue today, 6 April.
Mr. Jasaja Kujabi, a former bigwig of the ruling APRC and close associate of president Jammeh, was arrested since in the summer of 2005 at his farm at Dobong Village in Foni Kansala district. The family said he was escorted to his house to change his clothes before been taken away by two State agents whom they know. They said they are yet to know his place of detention.
Corporal Alfusainey Jammeh, a prison warden and a native of Kanilai who was stationed at the residence of the prison boss at Kanilai, went missing since 2006. The family said he was called to report to the Police Headquarters in Banjul and had never returned home. They said he is being detained at Mile 2 Prison but that the family members do not have access to him.
Mr. Haruna Jammeh and Madam Marcie Jammeh, both natives of Kanilai, also went missing together since in the summer of 2005. Their families said since then they could not establish their whereabouts.
A Former Chief of Foni Kansala, Mr. Momodou Lamin Nyassi, Buba Sanyang and Ndongo Mboob, all natives of Bwiam and former bigwigs of the APRC party within the Fonis, were said to have been arrested on the same day in April 2006. Their families said they do not know their places of detention.
Mr. Alieu Lowe and Abdoulie Njie were both arrested in connection with the 21st March, 2006, coup plot against the APRC government. Their families said they are languishing at Mile 2 Prison without any charges preferred against them. Mr. Lowe’s family said they have access to him frequently.
Mr. Samsideen Jammeh from Foni Sutisinjang Village was arrested since 14 January, 2007. He has been in detention at the Police Headquarters in Banjul for almost two years. His family said he is recently moved to Mile 2 Prison without any charges levelled against him.
Mr. Bakary Gassama, the former financial Director of NIA, was arrested on the 13th May, 2008. He was detained for four months before being arraigned in court in late September 2008 and was charged with official abuse and misconduct. His trial could not proceed until on December 3rd when the court discharged him for want of diligent prosecution. He was re-arrested by the Police at the court premises and taken back to detention again. His family said he is detained at Mile 2 Prison.
Mr. Kebba Seckan, a senior NIA Operative, was in detention since 14th May 2007, without any charges preferred against him. His family said he is detained at Mile 2 Prison. They said they are yet to have access to him since his arrest.
Mr. Ebou Jarju, formerly a steward at State House, was arrested on 20th March, 2008. He was said to be first detained at Police Headquarters in Banjul up to 11th January 2009, when he was released unconditionally but only to be re-called on 26th January, and put under detention again. The family said he is currently detained at Mile 2 Prison.
Mr. Modou Manga, from Foni Bwiam, who was a storekeeper at the Kanilai Family Farm Store at Kanifing, went missing since 2006; is believed to be detained at Mile 2 Prison.
Sergeant Sam Kambai, of the Gambia Armed Forces is also being detained at Mile 2 Prison since 2006 without trial.
Alexandra Gibba, the spokes person of the MFDC rebel faction, is said to be detained at Mile 2 Prison. He was last seen amidst MFDC rebels, who were on trial, walking with the help of crutches.
Osseh Abdoulie Corr, Alassan Mbowe and Baboucarr Njie, all arrested on the 9 September, 2008, arraigned in court on 17 October and charged with three criminal counts, were remanded by the court until on the 25 March, 2009, when they were acquitted and discharged by the trial magistrate Edrisa F. Mbai for lack of evidence against them. They were re-arrested within the court premises in the presence of a looking crowd and taken into custody. Their families said they are currently being detained at the Mile 2 Prison.
The detention of people without trial is still continuing, as we enter the year 200. As we are now in the fourth month into the year, none of those detained since last year has been released.
Foroyaa has contacted some of the families of the persons listed below, who were known to be detained, to enquire about their fate. These families lamented their frustration over the long detention of their loved ones who they said, were neither charged nor tried by the courts. Some of the families expressed frustration and anguish for being unable to see their loved ones or to even establish there whereabouts. Some of them also expressed grieved over the incommunicado of their family members. They told Foroyaa that their loved ones were picked up in their presence by State security agents who they know and can recognise.
Journalist Chief Ebrima B. Manneh of the Daily Observer Newspaper was arrested by security agents at his office in Bakau since 7th July, 2006. His family said they moved both heaven and earth but still could not see him or establish his whereabouts. The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) had sued the government of The Gambia at the ECOWAS Court of Justice in Abuja to release Chief Manneh. The court delivered judgment in favour of the plaintiff and ordered the government to release him, but they are yet to comply with the order of the regional court.
Mr. Kanyiba Kanyi, an employee of the Christian Children Fund (CCF), was arrested by State securities agents in the presence of his family from his house at Bonto Village in Kombo East, since 18 September, 2006. His family said they could not see him since then or know his whereabouts. In late 2006, the family of Kanyiba took a lawyer and went to the High Court to secure his release. Even though the Court ordered for the unconditional release of Kanyiba, the case is still being battled out in the court due to the State’s denial of having him in their custody. The case is supposed to continue today, 6 April.
Mr. Jasaja Kujabi, a former bigwig of the ruling APRC and close associate of president Jammeh, was arrested since in the summer of 2005 at his farm at Dobong Village in Foni Kansala district. The family said he was escorted to his house to change his clothes before been taken away by two State agents whom they know. They said they are yet to know his place of detention.
Corporal Alfusainey Jammeh, a prison warden and a native of Kanilai who was stationed at the residence of the prison boss at Kanilai, went missing since 2006. The family said he was called to report to the Police Headquarters in Banjul and had never returned home. They said he is being detained at Mile 2 Prison but that the family members do not have access to him.
Mr. Haruna Jammeh and Madam Marcie Jammeh, both natives of Kanilai, also went missing together since in the summer of 2005. Their families said since then they could not establish their whereabouts.
A Former Chief of Foni Kansala, Mr. Momodou Lamin Nyassi, Buba Sanyang and Ndongo Mboob, all natives of Bwiam and former bigwigs of the APRC party within the Fonis, were said to have been arrested on the same day in April 2006. Their families said they do not know their places of detention.
Mr. Alieu Lowe and Abdoulie Njie were both arrested in connection with the 21st March, 2006, coup plot against the APRC government. Their families said they are languishing at Mile 2 Prison without any charges preferred against them. Mr. Lowe’s family said they have access to him frequently.
Mr. Samsideen Jammeh from Foni Sutisinjang Village was arrested since 14 January, 2007. He has been in detention at the Police Headquarters in Banjul for almost two years. His family said he is recently moved to Mile 2 Prison without any charges levelled against him.
Mr. Bakary Gassama, the former financial Director of NIA, was arrested on the 13th May, 2008. He was detained for four months before being arraigned in court in late September 2008 and was charged with official abuse and misconduct. His trial could not proceed until on December 3rd when the court discharged him for want of diligent prosecution. He was re-arrested by the Police at the court premises and taken back to detention again. His family said he is detained at Mile 2 Prison.
Mr. Kebba Seckan, a senior NIA Operative, was in detention since 14th May 2007, without any charges preferred against him. His family said he is detained at Mile 2 Prison. They said they are yet to have access to him since his arrest.
Mr. Ebou Jarju, formerly a steward at State House, was arrested on 20th March, 2008. He was said to be first detained at Police Headquarters in Banjul up to 11th January 2009, when he was released unconditionally but only to be re-called on 26th January, and put under detention again. The family said he is currently detained at Mile 2 Prison.
Mr. Modou Manga, from Foni Bwiam, who was a storekeeper at the Kanilai Family Farm Store at Kanifing, went missing since 2006; is believed to be detained at Mile 2 Prison.
Sergeant Sam Kambai, of the Gambia Armed Forces is also being detained at Mile 2 Prison since 2006 without trial.
Alexandra Gibba, the spokes person of the MFDC rebel faction, is said to be detained at Mile 2 Prison. He was last seen amidst MFDC rebels, who were on trial, walking with the help of crutches.
Osseh Abdoulie Corr, Alassan Mbowe and Baboucarr Njie, all arrested on the 9 September, 2008, arraigned in court on 17 October and charged with three criminal counts, were remanded by the court until on the 25 March, 2009, when they were acquitted and discharged by the trial magistrate Edrisa F. Mbai for lack of evidence against them. They were re-arrested within the court premises in the presence of a looking crowd and taken into custody. Their families said they are currently being detained at the Mile 2 Prison.
Tuesday, 7 April 2009
Remembering our fallen brothers
This Friday, we will be commemorating the brutal massacre of over a dozen school children on April 10 and 11, 2000 by the Gambian police and soldiers.
Our hearts continue to bleed and our eyes continue to shed tears anytime we think of the brutal manner in which their souls departed this world. These young men were not criminals, rebels. They were not political opponents of President Jammeh either.
They were decent Gambians like you and me, who were only protesting against crimes committed against their colleagues; Ebrima Barry and a Brikamaba school girl.
The demands on the basis of which the students went out to demonstrate nine years ago, merely constituted a request for justice.
April 10 and 11, 2000 were indeed days during which Gambian students took to the streets to protest against rape and murder, with a clear call for justice to be done. Rape and murder are not only repugnant in the eyes of all faiths, but laws in all civilised jurisdictions prescribe stringent punitive measures against them.
Similarly, all our national cultures in the Gambia denounce them in the strongest possible terms. As a result, one should easily understand the reasoning which led to the decision to peacefully demonstrate against these heinous crimes against the two students.
Any mature political leadership would be ashamed of the manner in which the security officers reacted to the demonstration. It was an act of brutality that has no place in any civilise society. Murder was foreign to the Gambia, a country where people almost know each other.
Several security officers including Ousman Badjie, former secretary of state for the Interior, were indicted for the gruesome murder of our brothers little brothers and despite recommendation of the commission of inquiry that was set up to look into the disturbances, the government of Yahya Jammeh is still refusing to prosecute them.
In an apparent insult to the families of slain youths, the government has indemnified all the murderers from any criminal prosecution for their role in the killing of these children. Some of those blamed for the murder have since been rewarded with high government positions.
In other words, the Jammeh regime is saying that all these children who never had the chance to say good bye to their parents deserved to die in that brutal manner.
It is prudent, perhaps, to remind ourselves that the use of live ammunition and overwhelming force on children can never be justified nor simply swept under the carpet. By failing to prosecute those responsible, the government woefully failed to uphold the rights and freedoms of the Gambian people.
As Gambians, it is time we continue to put pressure on the Jammeh regime to prosecute all those who were indicted by the commission of inquiry. Our land has been defiled with the blood of young innocent children and it is our responsibility to ensure these children and their families get the justice they deserve. It is still not too late.
As we commemorate nine years since they departed this world, we pray to Almighty Allah to blessed their souls in His heavenly kingdom.
Rest in peace our heroes, you will always be in our hearts:
Calisco Preira
Burama Badjie
Karamo Barrow
Reginald Carrol
Omar Barrow
Wuyeh Massally
Momodou Chune
Lamin .A. Bojang
Ouman Sabally
Bamba Jobarteh
Abdoulie Sajaw
Bakary Njie
Unidentified victim
Sainey Nyabally
Ousman Sembene
Sidia Jatta criticises government for unexplained dismissals
Gambian opposition parliamentarian Sedia Jatta has criticised the government for unexplained dismissals in the civil service and called for a stop to the practice.
However, the government has defended its actions saying civil servants have to be productive and failure to do their **work will lead to their dismissal.
Jatta, MP of the opposition National Alliance for Democracy and Development (NADD) for Wuli West, told the National Assembly on Friday that there was “an institutional crisis” in the country because of these ceaseless unexplained hiring and firing.
“There is an institution whose responsibility is to hire and fire, discipline where there is indiscipline, but as far as I am concerned I am not seeing that institution functioning,” he said.
Jatta said there was something wrong and blamed it on political interference, adding that was the reason why the civil service was not stable.
He said civil servants must not be under any political control adding that there must be an institution that should be responsible for discipline to ensure effective productivity.
The Minority Leader Momodou Sanneh said there was no job security in the entire civil service especially at senior level.
Vice President Isatou Njie-Saidy said: “I find it very unpleasant to dismiss people. But this syndrome of covering people in the Gambia has to be addressed.”
She said the Public Services Commission had been ineffective over the years and the ongoing revamping should not only to be seen in the negative light of hiring and firing but to ensure effective service delivery.
Other MPs blamed the “disloyalty” of civil servants for their predicament saying they should know that they were hired to work and failure to do so would lead to dismissal.
Pana
However, the government has defended its actions saying civil servants have to be productive and failure to do their **work will lead to their dismissal.
Jatta, MP of the opposition National Alliance for Democracy and Development (NADD) for Wuli West, told the National Assembly on Friday that there was “an institutional crisis” in the country because of these ceaseless unexplained hiring and firing.
“There is an institution whose responsibility is to hire and fire, discipline where there is indiscipline, but as far as I am concerned I am not seeing that institution functioning,” he said.
Jatta said there was something wrong and blamed it on political interference, adding that was the reason why the civil service was not stable.
He said civil servants must not be under any political control adding that there must be an institution that should be responsible for discipline to ensure effective productivity.
The Minority Leader Momodou Sanneh said there was no job security in the entire civil service especially at senior level.
Vice President Isatou Njie-Saidy said: “I find it very unpleasant to dismiss people. But this syndrome of covering people in the Gambia has to be addressed.”
She said the Public Services Commission had been ineffective over the years and the ongoing revamping should not only to be seen in the negative light of hiring and firing but to ensure effective service delivery.
Other MPs blamed the “disloyalty” of civil servants for their predicament saying they should know that they were hired to work and failure to do so would lead to dismissal.
Pana
Gambia frees witch-hunt detainees
BANJUL (AFP) — More than 300 people held in a government-backed witchhunt in Gambia have been released without charge after several detainees fell seriously ill, a senior police source said Monday.
Amnesty International and anonymous police sources said as many as 1,000 people have been snatched by "witch hunters" backed by armed men carrying out orders from the Gambian authorities.
They are forced to drink hallucinogen concoctions which caused some detainees to develop intestinal and kidney problems. Police sources say at least two people have died after drinking the potions.
"A total number of 312 people who were abducted by the so-called witch doctors early last month have been released in the early hours of Sunday morning without any charges levied against them," a senior police source, who preferred not to be named, told AFP Monday.
Their release came after five victims were admitted at various health facilities in Gambia suffering from kidney and stomach problems.
"Five out of those abducted are currently in hospital while others are seriously ill, and this prompted the authorities to release the remaining abductees before the situation worsens", the police source said.
Those released are mainly men and women aged 40 to 60. They were all arrested in early March.
Gambia, the smallest nation in Africa, has been ruled by President Yahya Jammeh who took power in a bloodless coup in 1994.
In recent years it has increasingly come under fire over its human rights record. Despite an international and domestic outcry over the witch hunts, the government has not responded to the allegations.
Observers say Jammeh invited Guinean witch hunters into Gambia after suspecting witchcraft in the death of an aunt earlier this year.
Poor countries demand US$2 billion from rich
Press release:
Nearly 50 of the world’s least developed countries have called on rich nations to meet an eight-year old promise and pay US$2 billion to help them adapt to climate change.
The demand was made at the UN climate change negotiations that are currently underway in Bonn , Germany .
Rich countries promised the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) support for "immediate and urgent" actions on adaptation to climate change eight years ago at the seventh conference of parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Marrakech , Morocco in 2001.
The UNFCCC then created the LDC Fund with voluntary contributions from the rich countries and gave each LDC US$200,000 to carry out a National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) to identify the most urgent adaptation actions needed.
So far 39 of the NAPAs have been completed. The costs of implementing all the urgent and immediate adaptation actions identified in them would exceed US$1.6 billion, but the LDC Fund has less than US$200 million and only a handful of the identified projects have been funded.
“The LDCs are demanding that the rich countries pledge up to US$2 billion over the next five years in order to fulfil the promise they made eight years ago,” says Saleemul Huq, senior fellow in the Climate Change Group at the International Institute for Environment and Development.
“The poorest and most vulnerable countries have contributed least to climate change and will suffer most from its impacts,” says Huq. “The rich countries can and must live up to their words and massively increase their funding to compensate the least developed countries.”
Nearly 50 of the world’s least developed countries have called on rich nations to meet an eight-year old promise and pay US$2 billion to help them adapt to climate change.
The demand was made at the UN climate change negotiations that are currently underway in Bonn , Germany .
Rich countries promised the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) support for "immediate and urgent" actions on adaptation to climate change eight years ago at the seventh conference of parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Marrakech , Morocco in 2001.
The UNFCCC then created the LDC Fund with voluntary contributions from the rich countries and gave each LDC US$200,000 to carry out a National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) to identify the most urgent adaptation actions needed.
So far 39 of the NAPAs have been completed. The costs of implementing all the urgent and immediate adaptation actions identified in them would exceed US$1.6 billion, but the LDC Fund has less than US$200 million and only a handful of the identified projects have been funded.
“The LDCs are demanding that the rich countries pledge up to US$2 billion over the next five years in order to fulfil the promise they made eight years ago,” says Saleemul Huq, senior fellow in the Climate Change Group at the International Institute for Environment and Development.
“The poorest and most vulnerable countries have contributed least to climate change and will suffer most from its impacts,” says Huq. “The rich countries can and must live up to their words and massively increase their funding to compensate the least developed countries.”
Friday, 3 April 2009
Gambian Coup Suspect Reveals NIA Brutality
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Says he was beaten and kicked
Foroyaa Newspaper, Banjul: Marabout Hamadi Sowe, who is standing trial for “concealment of treason,” in connection with the 21st March, 2006, coup plot against President Jammeh, on Monday 30 March opened his defence in the “Voire dive” (trial within trial), after spending 3 years in detention due to a protracted legal wrangling concerning his case. Mr. Sowe alleged that he was severely tortured by the soldiers that arrested him.
Testifying before Justice Joseph Wowo of the Banjul High Court, Sowe said he was arrested at his home at Ebo Town on the night of 29 March, 2006 at around 10:30pm. Sowe stated that 6 soldiers came into his house armed with guns, sticks and whips and asked for the owner of the compound, Cherno Barry.
He said he told them that he is in Senegal. He said he was handcuffed and they started to beat him with sticks and whips. He added that he was taken straight to mile 2 prisons. He indicated that he was later taken to the NIA office at around 12 midnight.
He noted that at the NIA, he was dropped in the midst of soldiers who started to beat him indiscriminately. He said those that beat him were armed with sticks, whips, guns and knives. He noted that the beating was done in the court yard (large area) with so many soldiers present.
Marabout Sowe pointed out that at around 3 am, he was taken upstairs in a big sitting room together with other people. He asserted that he was subjected to questioning and he denied knowing any thing about the matter. He posited that one Captain Musa Jammeh told him that he knew something about the matter because of the fact that the owner of the compound, Marabout Cherno Barry, knew something about the matter that he (Sowe) should also knew about it. He added that he told them that he was only taking care of the compound for Cherno Barry with his family.
“One Demba Sowe and Hydara started questioning me. I told them to call all the people that they have arrested and see if any knew me. Captain Musa Jammeh told me you are lying. He pulled out a pistol and stuck it in my mouth thereby breaking my teeth. He told me you are lying and your Marabout cannot do any thing about it. I will lock you up. Musa Jammeh told me if they could not get the Marabout, but gets me, means they got him (Cherno Barry). Musa asked me whether I knew Alieu Jobe and I told him he used to come to the Marabout but I do not know what was between them,” added Sowe.
Going further, Sowe indicated that he was taken from one small office to another and was ordered to thumb print on an empty piece of paper without any writings on it.
Sowe said, “At Mile 2, I was questioned again on whether I have accepted what they accused me of and I replied in the negative. Musa Jammeh told me, remember what we did to you yesterday. If you do not comply, we will kill you. I then accepted and thumb print on the paper because I was afraid that they will take me back and beat me up,” said Sowe.
Marabout Sowe indicated that when he was making his voluntary statement, there was no independent witness and that he does not know any Babou Loum. He said he knew Sainey Ndure at the NIA as the one who obtained a statement from him and even went to the point of telling them to release him as he did not know any thing about the mater; that the Marabout who knew about it is at large in Senegal. Neneh Cham Chongan, his counsel, reminded him that the independent witness Babou Loum told the court that he (Sowe) was happy when he was signing the statement that the two of them were chatting together. Sowe asked, “How can they accused me of partaking in a coup d’etat and I laughed about that. “I was never in a laughing mood,” said Sowe. He added that if it was not for the severe beatings, he would not have signed the statement.
It could be recalled that Marabout Hamadi Sowe, was standing trial alongside Alieu Jobe and others for “treason and concealment of treason”. His trial was separated and was later tried alone. In late 2006, the State Counsel Mrs. Marley Wood informed the court about the state’s intention to discontinue with the case. In another sitting, Mrs. Wood told the court that they were unable to file in the motion for the discontinuation of the case. Since then, Sowe is incarcerated by the authorities, and it was in June 2008, when the trial re-commenced before Justice M.M (Yamoa) Ageyemang of the High Court
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