DPP Chenge should resign

Here we go again. When General Lang Tombong Tamba and others were arrested last November and charged for plotting to overthrow the government of Yahya Jammeh, I was expecting the state to produce concrete material evidences and facts linking the accused persons with the alleged coup plot.

However, I was disappointed. It’s been over a month since the treason trial began and no single shred of evidence is yet to be produced in court which implicates the accused persons. What we have seen so far is testimonies of state witnesses whose characters are very very questionable.

And instead of dropping all the charges against the accused persons, the state led by the director of public prosecution, Richard Chenge, is stubbornly continuing with the case. And the techniques being employed by DPP Chenge goes further to confirm the public’s fear that the whole allegations against the accused persons are nothing but a cock and bull story.

Looking at the ongoing treason trial, it is evident that the DPP in a bid to gain more recognition and promotions from President Jammeh like his predecessor Akomaye Agim, (now Chief Justice of the Gambia) have wrongly advised the state into prosecuting General Lang Tombong Tamba despite knowing fully well that the whole coup story was a figment of imagination.

Being another Nigerian smartass in our justice system, he have connived with a self-confessed drug dealer and mercenary from Guinea Bissau, Rui Jabbi Gassama, who is currently living a luxurious life at the expense of the poor Gambian tax payers to say anything that will make the whole ridiculous story about the coup look credible.

This is very shameful and unfortunate as it shows that DPP Chenge and the state are only interested in securing a conviction for the accused and not seeing justice done contrary to the principles of justice.

General Lang Tombong Tamba and his co accused

I don’t know what led to General Tamba’s removal as Chief of Defence Staff, but it is completely unfair to  detain him incommunicado at the Mile Two Prisons for seven months just because some idiots without any iota of evidence, had accused him of plotting a coup.

DPP Chenge has exposed himself as another greener pasture seeking locust in our country that is ready to manipulate every little opportunity to attract attention and recognition from President Jammeh.

General Lang Tombong Tamba is said to be the brain behind the alleged coup and I was expecting DPP Chenge to grill him extensively on the testimonies of the state witnesses. However, the DPP in his fishing expedition question General Tamba about the  March 2006 alleged coup plot. He even went further to invite one of the alleged March 2006 coupist, Captain Bunja Darboe from the Mile Two Prisons to his office just to get anything that will keep Lang Tombong and his co-accused behind bars for the rest of their lives.

Let me remind DPP Chenge that the matter before the court is a plot to overthrow the government of Yahya Jammeh in November 2009 and not March 2006. And if General Tamba was indeed involved in that plot, why was he rewarded by the state with the rank of General and Chief of the Gambia’s Armed Forces? Why is DPP Chenge trying to implicate General Tamba in a coup plot, which none of the accused persons currently serving life jail terms for their part have never implicated him in their statements to the NIA or court testimonies? Why was General Tamba not charged with offences relating to the March 2006 coup plot?

Another interesting question is why did DPP Chenge insisted in charging OB Mbye with the alleged November 2009 coup plot despite the fact that he was released by the NIA and military investigators on the grounds that there was no case against him?

If the DPP indeed had a case, why did he want to use General Tamba, the alleged chief architect of the alleged coup as a state witness?

The answer to all the above questions is simple. The DPP does not have a case against the accused persons. As a promotion seeking bastard with knowledge about the unfairness of our justice system, the DPP is only interested in getting General Tamba and others convicted for personal gains.

DPP Chenge has compromised his position and should not continue to be the chief state prosecutor. His position has become untenable.

Treason is a serious offence, and it quite unbelievable to see many people languishing in jail in the Gambia today just because someone have accused them of plotting a coup without producing any material evidence.

To conclude, I urged DPP Chenge to immediately drop all the charges against the accused persons. The accused persons have suffered immensely. Keeping them away from their families without any prove of their involvement in an alleged coup plot is nothing but criminal.

By the way, the case against General Tamba and others reminds me of the Dumo Sarho and co treason case. Mr Sarho and others were accused by Francesco Caso, an Italian Mafia in the country in June 2000 of plotting a coup.

Without having any evidence, the state led my DPP Chenge’s predecessor, Akomaye Agim (now Chief Justice) charged the accused persons with treason.

While the accused persons were suffering and being lock up in their Mile Two Prison cells for 23 hours a day, Mr Caso, who was financially bankrupt at the time after his restaurant business in Gambia failed, was rewarded with the position of training the Junglers Unit of the State Guards. He was also allocated at the tax payer’s expense, a well furnished compound in Yundum, a flashy car and an office at State House and Kanilai.

After nearly two years of sufferings, Mr Sarho and his colleagues were found not guilty by Justice Ahmed Belgore, one of the bravest, honest and hardworking judges our country has ever had. Unsurprising, Justice Belgore was never retained by the state after the expiry of his contract.


A reader’s response

A few weeks ago, I got the letter below from a Gambian living in the United Kingdom in response to my article on the Kanilai International Festival.

In the letter, the Gambian who preferred to remain anonymous due to fear of persecution back home wrote: Hello my brother, thank you for speaking the mind of Gambians. I wish we have Gambian like you and I think is time for us to put our hands on desk and help the helpless. So that God will bless our country and our loved one who are suffering in poverty. Let God touch our heart to be stewards of our nation and prepare to do what it can take to make that lovely country and community back to where it use to be.. To put the nation interest first before our own so that our grandchildren and their children will not suffer like us. Thanks and I wish you well in your endeavour.
Your fellow citizen.

By PK Jarju

Gambia's 'Smiling Coast' hides local media's grimace

Who would not like to enjoy luxurious beach resorts and quaint fishing villages on the “Smiling Coast of Africa”? This is the pitch that the Gambian government made to participants of an international tourism conference last week. In fact, behind the idyllic facade of a tropical paradise wedged on Africa's western Atlantic coast is the grimace of Gambia's independent press.

Years of political censorship and intimidation, arbitrary arrests, repressive media laws and the unsolved murder of a prominent editor have forced some of the best Gambian journalists into exile. Those remaining in the country work in fear and intense self-censorship.

The Africa Travel Association (ATA), which convened its annual world congress in Gambia last week, calculated that the nation's poor human rights record was not relevant to tourism. “When people plan their trips they don’t really think about issues of human rights in the destination country. Things like freedom of speech are not mentioned by trip advisors. When you travel, you see what you want to see,” ATA Gambia marketing committee chairman Marcel Hendrickx told CPJ in April.

The government does its best to keep tourists in the dark about Gambia’s political and social conflicts. In particular, journalists who try to convey both negative and positive aspects of Gambian tourism are discouraged or intimidated from publishing such articles. In March for instance, two reporters with the private Daily News, Sana Camara and Saikou Jammeh, were arrested by Gambia's Tourism Security Unit while on assignment at the public Palma Rima Beach, and accused of “taking photographs without authorization,” according to the Media Foundation of West Africa. Local sources who declined to be identified for fear of government reprisals told CPJ that the journalists were investigating the tourism-related sex trade. For the government, such reports are clearly undesirable; the two reporters were forced to delete photographs, according to news accounts.

Speaking to ATA conference participants, Gambia’s tourism minister, Fatou Mass Jobe Njie, articulated the nation's sales pitch. “There is abundant peace and tranquility which has been ensured thanks to the efforts and sterling qualities of our dynamic president, Sheikh Professor Dr. Alhaji Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh.”

But President Jammeh has been less than tranquil about journalists and international observers in recent years. "The whole world can go to hell. If I want to ban any newspaper, I will, with good reason," he said in 2006. "I don't believe in killing people. I believe in locking you up for the rest of your life," he added in response to questions about the unsolved 2004 murder of editor Deyda Hydara.

More recently, he mocked those seeking justice for Hydara. “Let them go and ask Deyda Hydara who killed him,” he said last summer before throwing into prison Gambia Press Union leaders who criticized the insensitive remarks. Then came a chilling warning to journalists and human rights activists: “So they think they can hide behind so-called press freedom and violate the law and get away with it. ... If anybody is caught, he will be severely dealt with."

Jammeh's administration has failed to address issues related to its treatment of journalists and respect for human rights. The Gambian administration is currently a defendant before a West African human rights court in a case of illegal detention and torture brought by exiled editor Musa Saidykhan, whose newspaper was banned in 2006. The government is also resisting an order of the same court calling for its immediate release of imprisoned journalist "Chief" Ebrima Manneh. Despite reports of Manneh's sightings in government custody, a Gambian delegation told the UN Human Rights Council in March that “the government has investigated his whereabouts, but to no avail.”

Tourism has the potential to improve the lives of the citizens of this impoverished nation; improving the country’s human rights record would enhance that effort. The government would reap the benefits of investor and tourist confidence if a vibrant and independent press were allowed to freely report on the nation’s complexities.

By Mohamed Keita and Caitlin Clarke/CPJ Africa Staff

Gambian Market Updates

Yield Remains Unchanged
Yield on the 91-day (ss) bill remained unchanged at 10.45% after this week’s auction. The bill was under subscribed by 45.35%. Yields on all the other instruments traded in the money market continued the downward drift the market has been experiencing over the past four weeks.

The 91-day bill and the 1-year note each shaved off 1bps and were quoted at 9.80% and 13.24% respectively. The 182-day bill was down 5bps to 10.76%. Total amount on offer at next week’s auction is half of what was on offer at this week’s auction. We expect yields to dip further.

Dalasi Firm in Interbank Market
The Dalasi remained firm in the interbank market. It gained 2bututs against the Dollar to D26.98, gained 50butus against the Pound to D41.38 and gained 140bututs against the Euro to D35.75.

In the Parallel Market, the local currency appreciated against both the Pound and the
Euro by 52bututs and 75bututs to D41.63 and D36.00 respectively. The currency however depreciated against the Dollar by a new record weekly drop of 88bututs beating last week’s drop of 65bututs. The Dollar was quoted at D29.38. Are we going to see the Dollar breaking though the D30.00/S1.00 barrier at next week’s close?

Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.98
Pound 41.38
Euro 35.75
CFA 282.50

Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 29.38
Pound 41.63
Euro 36.00
CFA 278.50

Gambian Financial Update

Yields Continue Southward Drift

Yields on the instruments traded on the money market continued their southward drift. The policy 91-day bill has lost 23bps over the past four weeks. At this week’s auction, the bill shaved off 4bps from last week’s price and was quoted at 9.81%. Its counterpart 91-day (s/s) lost 5bps to 10.45%. The 182-day bill was down 4bps to 10.81%. The 1-year note was down 5bps to 13.25%.

Dalasi Looses Ground Against The Greenback

The relative strength of the United States Dollar on the international currency market was reflected on the local Parallel Forex Market. The local currency lost 65bututs against the Dollar and was quoted at D28.50. This has been the highest weekly drop this year. The Dalasi remained unchanged against the Pound Sterling at D42.15 and appreciated by 53bututs against the Euro to D36.75. The movement of the Dalasi was mixed on the interbank market. It remained unchanged against the Dollar at D27.00, depreciated by 13bututs against the pound sterling to D42.15 and gained 10bututs against the Euro to D37.15.

Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 27.00
Pound 41.88
Euro 37.15
CFA 282.50

Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 28.50
Pound 42.15
Euro 36.75
CFA 278.50

Dalasi Updates

Yields on the Bills traded on the Money market moved in different directions this week. The 91-day bill and the 182-day bill lost 4bps and 8bps and were quoted at 9.90% and 10.89% respectively.

The 182day bill was under-subscribed by 70.32 per cent. The 91-day (s/s) and the 1-year note on the other hand were up on last week’s close. The 91-day (s/s) was up 20bps to close this week at 10.54 per cent. The 1-year note was quoted at 13.41 per cent up 38bps.

Dalasi Still Under Pressure

For the second week in a row, the Dalasi continued to depreciate in the Parallel Market. It lost 27bututs against Dollar to D27.60. Against the Pound Sterling it was quoted at D42.00 loosing 50bututs, and lost 12bututs against the Euro to D37.25.

Movements by the local currency in the Interbank Market were however mixed. It depreciated by 2bututs against the Dollar to D27.00 but it appreciated by 13butus and 3bututs to D41.75 and D36.90 against the Pound Sterling and Euro respectively.

Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 27.00
Pound 41.75
Euro 36.90
CFA 282.50


Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 27.60
Pound 42.00
Euro 37.25
CFA 280.00

Dalasi Update

Dalasi looses ground

The local currency this week, depreciated against all the major currencies on both the Interbank and the Parallel market.

In the Interbank market, the Dalasi was quoted at D26.98 against the Dollar, having shaved 18bututs off the previous week’s price. It lost 53butus and 70bututs against the Pound Sterling and the Euro to end the week at D41.88 and D36.93 respectively.

In the Parallel market, the Dalasi lost 58bututs against the Dollar to D27.33, 50bututs against the Pound to D41.50 and 13bututs against the Euro to D37.13. With main tourist season coming to a close, we expect the Dalasi to continue to be under pressure for the next couple of months.

Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

US Dollar 26.98
Pound 41.88
Euro 36.93
CFA 277.50

Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

US Dollar 27.33
Pound 41.50
Euro 37.13
CFA 277.50


Relative calm in the money market

There were very slight movements in the yields of all the instruments on the Money Market. The 91-day bill decreased by 10bps this week to 9.94%; its counter-part the 91-day(s/s) however increased by 6bps to 10.34 per cent. The 182-day bill remained unchanged at 10.97 per cent. The 1-year bill was quoted at 13.03%, up 2bps from last week’s close.

Weep not my friend

By PK Jarju, Worcestershire, UK

A couple of weeks ago, I read Femi Peters Junior’s letter in the Freedom Newspaper in reaction to the jailing of his dad in the Gambia, which was very touching indeed. And as a parent and a personal friend of the Peters, I would like to join the family in condemning the one year imprisonment of Mr Peters Senior.

The jailing of Mr Peters Senior is unacceptable. It is an insult to our democracy and another attempt by the Jammeh regime to keep Gambians in a passive state of subjugation. Mr Peters Senior was jailed not because he murdered someone, or threatened the peace and tranquillity, but for merely exercising his constitutionally guaranteed rights as a son of the Gambia.

Section 25 (d) of the 1997 Constitution of the Gambia, which is an entrenched clause gives Gambians the right to assemble and demonstrate peaceably and without arms. It also gives Gambians in Section 25 (e) the right to associate freely, which shall include freedom to form and join associations and unions, including political parties and trade unions.

In jailing Mr Peters Senior for exercising his constitutionally guaranteed rights, the Gambian judiciary has again failed to protect Gambians from the tyranny of Jammeh. In other words, the courts are saying that Jammeh’s interest comes supreme to whatever rights are given in our constitution.

Jailing a Sixty something year-old man and denying him access to his family for no just reason is pure criminal and unacceptable in any civilised country much more ours whose actions are supposed to be guided by justice.

The Gambia government should be wise enough to know that they may have succeeded in using their powers to lock a frail elderly man to jail, but they will never be able to kill his political spirits, his passion and desire to see the complete restoration of democracy and the rule of law in our Gambia.

The Jammeh regime should also be wise enough to realise that the longer they keep Mr Peters incarcerated at the Mile Two Prisons, the more they are making him a hero to his supporters and the entire civilised world.

To my friend Olufemi and the entire Peters family, I share your pain of separation from your elderly dad, but please do not weep for him. As a veteran politician who is fighting for the restoration of democracy in a tyrannical state, Mr Peters Senior have always prepared for the worst. He believes in the Nelson Mandela’s philosophy that there is no easy walk to freedom anywhere and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadows of death again and again before we reach the mountain tops of our desire.

To conclude, I would like to call on the regime of Yahya Jammeh to bury its pride and do the sensible thing. Release Mr Peters Senior. Keeping Mr Peters in Mile Two Prisons will not in any way stop Gambians from clamouring for the complete restoration of democracy and good governance
in our country.

Further, I would also like to draw President Jammeh’s attention to a speech delivered by Nelson Mandela in December 1951 at the ANC Youth League in which he states: the struggle to sweep the African people to power in the land of their birth will be a bitter one. Leaders will be deported and imprisoned. The government will terrorise the people and their leaders in an effort to halt the forward march; ordinary forms of organisation will be rendered impossible, but the spirit of the people cannot be crushed, and no matter what happens to the present leadership, new leaders will arise like mushrooms until full victory is won.

Making Enemies, Manufacturing Victims

By Baba Galleh Jallow

Despotic regimes have a way of making more enemies that they can handle and manufacturing more victims than they can account for. Perched on top of his blood-soaked throne, the despot is beset by crippling paranoia on one hand and a bloodthirsty determination to eliminate all that appears to be the source of that paranoia. The despot has neither friend nor partner.

His only friend is the power he wields, and as long as those under him wielding the guns keep their eyes to the ground and carry out his bloody bidding, they are partially safe. They are never really fully safe, for the despot’s paranoia could possess him so much so that he wakes up from a nightmare and the first loyal partner he has in mind immediately morphs into a mortal enemy that must immediately be eliminated. Thus we have former partners of the despot and former members of his killer squads and loyal cronies suddenly tumbling to the ground or into their graves with no comprehensible reason.

Of course, a loyal crony or partner who suddenly finds himself grabbed, accused of plotting to overthrow the state, tortured, and dumped into a mosquito and rat infested cell in a malignant jail can no longer love the perpetrator of those deeds. And so even if they put up a straight face and continue to sing the praises of the despot if they ever get released, there is little doubt that in their heart of hearts, they hate the despot more than they hate anything else in this world.

Gambia’s despot Yahya Jammeh is a quintessential specimen of his bloodthirsty kind. Jammeh believes that he is beyond reproach and beyond the fallibility that is every human being’s fate. He believes that whatever he does or says is right and that all who suffer his wrath deserve their fate.

So do all despots think. And so over the past twenty years, with the levels of his paranoia soaring to head bursting heights with every passing minute, Jammeh has made more enemies and manufactured more victims than it is possible to compute. Despite the seeming complexity of his actions, they are all motivated by one single thing: his obsession with remaining in power forever, and his bloody determination to eliminate all perceived threats to the achievement of that objective. And so he throws all care to the winds.

He refuses to see or hear reason. And he is more comfortable dealing with the animals in his zoo than he is in dealing with any person who betrays a modicum of common sense. He does not care what the laws of the land say and openly scoffs at any suggestions of the existence of such a thing as human rights or the rule of law. He invokes the constitution only when it suits his nefarious purposes and tramples on it whenever it suits him. Yet, like all bloodthirsty despots, he has the audacity to pose as the champion defender of all human interests in The Gambia, which he forces himself to believe, belongs personally to him.

The most recent case of Jammeh’s contemptuous disregard for all sense of probity and of our national constitution is the jailing of opposition UDP campaign manager Femi Peters Sr. Femi was arrested and put through the process of a dubious trial, at the end of which he was sentenced to a one year jail term with hard labor, in addition to a ten thousand dalasi fine.

Those who know the workings of Jammeh’s dark and sinister shadow state knew from the moment he was charged that no amount of arguments by defense counsel could save Mr. Peters. It was clear from the get go that those judges and magistrates who were handling the case had received their orders from Jammeh and knew exactly what was going to happen. Jammeh is a vindictive individual, a cruel and unjust man who is always eager to show less powerful people that he can put them in one spot. Neither the tenets of natural justice nor the demands of man made law are strong enough to deter a despot from doing whatever it takes in his jaundiced imagination to keep his greedy tongue stuck in the national honey pot.

Section 25 subsection 1 (c and d) of The Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia, 1997 guarantees every Gambian citizen the “freedom to assemble and demonstrate peacefully and without arms” and “freedom of association, which shall include freedom to form and join associations and unions, including political parties and trade unions.” As far as Yahya Jammeh is concerned, however, these rights and freedoms are totally subject to his personal whims and caprices.

It is clear that Femi Peters Sr. did not break any law in defying the authorities and holding a rally. The police who repeatedly refused to honor the UDP’s formal requests for a permit to hold peaceful rallies are the ones who broke the law. And of course, there is little doubt that the decision to deny the UDP permits to hold peaceful rallies came from Yahya Jammeh.

If the ruling party does not require a permit to assemble peacefully, why should any other legitimate and legally registered party be required to obtain such a permit? And if the opposition parties are bending over backwards to accommodate this ridiculous and unjust non-law, why should they be denied a permit? It is thus a curious feature of a despotic political dispensation that the natural logic of justice is stood on its head. Law abiding citizens are bullied, jailed, exiled or killed, while the real criminals – the despot and his tools - on account of the power they wield, are elevated and sanctified.

Imposing a one–year jail term with hard labor on 64-year old and innocent Femi Peters is an act of brutality that can only be perpetrated by the most heartless of tyrants. It is an act that is repugnant to all truth or justice loving human beings.

And now, sadly, Mr. Peters’ son Femi Peters Jr., who has always tried very hard to steer clear of politics in his brilliant writings, has come out with a strong condemnation of the injustice inflicted against his poor old father. In him, Yahya Jammeh has made another enemy who, for no fault of his, will now be among Jammeh’s most wanted. Who, in Femi Peters Jr.’s shoes would not react in like manner? Who can sit idly and silently by while the most gross of injustices is inflicted upon your 64-year old dad, whose only crime is to insist on enjoying his constitutional freedom of association and assembly?

Eventually though, the despot will make so many enemies that when the ugly moment of his dramatic fall comes, he will not know what hit him. In fact, from the moment he starts making enemies and manufacturing victims, from the moment he starts inflicting cruel acts of injustice on his fellow human beings, the despot begins to fall. The ancient Roman thinker and statesman Solon put it very nicely when he remarked that tyranny is a very high place from which there is no easy way down. Let him ask the various tyrants of history.

Dalasi& Butut

Yields on Government debt retreat

The price quoted for the bench-mark 91- day bill retreated this week after gains over the past two weeks. It lost 13bps to 10.14 per cent. The 182-day bill lost 4bps to 10.95 per cent. The 1-year note was re-rated downwards to 13.10 per cent, loosing 8bps.

The 91-day (s/s) bill was the only instrument on the money market to register a gain this week. It was up 23bps to 10.28 per cent. All tenures were over subscribed. The 182-day bill was over-subscribed by a massive 67.50%. The amounts on offer at next week’s auction are only slightly in excess of what was offered this week. Given the high percentages that the instruments were over-subscribed this week, we anticipate yields to move further south next week.


Dalasi stable in the Parallel market

Parallel market rates remained unchanged this week. They were steady at D26.88 to the Dollar, D40.75 to the Pound and D37.00 to the Euro. In the Interbank market, the local currency was unchanged at D26.85 against the Dollars, but lost 40bututs against the Pound to D40.70. It was quoted at D36.55 against the Euro, having appreciated by 10bututs, and was unchanged at D280.00 against the CFA.


Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.85
Pound 40.70
Euro 36.55
CFA 280.00

Parallel Mid Exchange Rates
DOllar 26.88
Pound 40.75
Euro 37.00
CFA 275.00

US Senators press for Manneh’s release

By Tom Rhodes/Africa Program Coordinator

For more than two years, US Senator Richard J. Durbin and a group of Senate colleagues have been pressing for the release of Gambian journalist “Chief” Ebrima Manneh, left.

In July 2006, security agents arrested Manneh at his workplace at the Daily Observer and have since held him incommunicado and without charge. On Thursday, Durbin and four other senators sent a letter to Kamalesh Sharma, secretary-general of the Commonwealth of Nations, urging him to launch an investigation into the case.

The two-page letter is signed by US Senators Durbin, Russ Feingold, Robert Casey, Benjamin L. Cardin, and Joe Lieberman. It says in part:

Mr. Manneh’s disappearance and the Gambian Government’s ongoing refusal to account for his whereabouts are in direct contradiction of the strong human rights standards embraced by the Commonwealth. … Undoubtedly many members of the Commonwealth also share our concern about the deteriorating political and human rights situation in the Gambia, an issue you raised at the recent Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Trinidad and Tobago.

The Gambia is a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, an organization of 54 nations that works toward common goals of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and good governance.

The Economic Community of West African States Community Court of Justice and the UN Human Rights Council’s Working Group on Arbitrary Detention have already called for Manneh’s immediate release.

CPJ

Former Gambian military heads on treason charges

Atleast ten people have been charged with a plot to overthrow the government of Yahya Jammeh.

According to the Gambian ministry of Justice, the plot was headed by the country's former Chief of Defence Staff, Lt. General Lang Tombong Tamba.

The nine other accused persons are Brigadier General Ndure Cham, Brigadier General Omar Bun Mbye, Colonel Lamin B.O. Badgie, Lt. Colonel Kawsu Camara (alias Bombardier), Modou Gaye former Deputy Inspector General of Police, Gibril Ngorr Secka, Abdoulie Joof (alias Lie Joof), Yousef Ezaziden (alias Rambo) and Omar Camara.

The particulars of the offence on count one state that:

Lt. General Lang Tombong Tamba, Brigadier General Ndure Cham, Brigadier General Omar Bun Mbye, Colonel Lamin Bo Badjie, Lt Colonel Kawsu Camara, Modou Gaye, Gibril Ngorr Secka, Abdoulie Joof, Yousef Ezziden (alias Rambo) Omar Camara and others now at large on diverse dates between 1st January and 19th December 2009 at Bijilo and other places within the jurisdiction of this honourable court conspired to stage a coup d’ etat and overthrow the President and democratically-elected government of the Republic of The Gambia by force of arms.

Count two, in the particulars of the offence reads:

Lt General Lang Tombong Tamba, Brigadier General Ndure Cham, Brigadier General Omar Bun Mbye, Colonel Lamin Bo Badjie, LT Colonel Kawsu Camara, Modou Gaye, Ngorr Secka, Abdoulie Joof, Yousef Ezziden (alias Rambo) Omar Camara and others now at large on diverse dates between 1st January and 19th December 2009 procured arms and ammunition, equipment and mercenaries from Guinea Conakry and other places to stage a coup d’ etat and overthrow the President and democratically-elected government of the Republic of The Gambia.

Count three of the particulars of the offence further states that: Lt. General Lang Tombong Tamba, Brigadier General Ndure Cham, Brigadier General Omar Bun Mbye, Colonel Lamin Bo Badjie, Lt. Colonel Kawsu Camara , Modou Gaye, Ngorr Secka, Abdoulie Joof, Yousef Ezziden (alias Rambo) Omar Camara and others now at large on diverse dates between 1st January and 19th December 2009 procured arms and ammunition, equipment and mercenaries from Guinea Conakry and other places to stage a coup d’ etat and overthrow the President and democratically-elected government of the Republic of The Gambia.

The accused persons also face two counts of overt acts.

Count one of the overt acts states that: Lt. General Lang Tombong Tamba, Brigadier General Ndure Cham, Brigadier General Omar Bun Mbye, Colonel Lamin Bo Badjie, Lt. Colonel Kawsu Camara, Modou Gaye, Gibril Ngorr Secka, Abdoulie Joof, Yousef Ezziden (alias Rambo) Omar Camara and others on various dates between 1st January and December 2009 held meetings at the house of Lang Tombong Tamba in The Gambia where discussions were made and agreement reached and detailed plans laid for the overthrow of the President and the government of The Gambia by force of arms. Abdoulie Joof and Yousef Ezziden (alais Rambo) were assigned the role of financing the coup plot. Lang Tombong Tamba and Bo Badjie were, amongst other things, assigned the role of purchasing the equipment such as vehicles, arms, ammunition, hire personal and effect an assault on The Gambia from Guinea Bissau so as to actualise the coup plot.

Count two of the overt acts states that: "To actualise the coup plot all the accused persons attended the meetings for that purpose at Lang Tombong Tamba's house on various dates between 1st January and 19th December 2009.

*Lang Tombong Tamba and Bo Badjie invited Rui Jabbi Gassama to The Gambia from Guinea Bissau and paid him staggering amounts of money to purchase for them arms and ammunition.

*Also to purchase a ship to convey the arms to The Gambia for the purpose of the assault. He was also to train dissident persons in Guinea Bissau for the accused persons to launch an assault on The Gambia.

*The ship was priced by Rui Jabbi Gassama on the instruction of Lang Tombong Tamba and Bo Badjie and all the accused persons.

Lt. Colonel Kawsu Camara was assigned the role of intriguing at the Kanilai Farms for the purpose of knowing when and if the President would be there so that he could be assaulted by the coup plotters. All the accused persons were engaged in a network of spying, gathering information, buying and reselling prohibited drugs for the purpose of actualising the coup plot.

The accused persons also hired one Ebrima Marreh to spy out weak spots in the defences of The Gambia, especially in military barracks for the purpose of actualising the coup plot."

Meanwhile, Gambian president, Yahya Jammeh have threatened to deal mercilessly with anyone trying to disturb the country’s peace.

Dalasi & Butut: Gambian market update

Money Market Updates

Yields on Government debt move in different directions: The increased amounts offered at this weeks auction had an effect on the downward trend experienced by yields on all the tenures in the money markets over the last few weeks. The 91/day bill increased by 1bps and was quoted at 9.83 per cent. It was under-subscribed by 21 per cent. The 91/day (ss) was over-subscribed by 50 per cent. It was quoted at 10.26 per cent, a drop of 8bps from last weeks close. The 182/day billremained unchanged at 10.96 per cent. The 1-year bill lost 3bps from last week’s close to end the week at 12.84 per cent

Currency Market Updates

Apart from the 3bututs depreciation of the local currency against the Dollar in the interbank market, the Dalasi remained unchanged or appreciated against the major currencies in the money markets this week.

In the interbank market, the Dalasi appreciated by 85bututs and 160bututs and was quoted at D41.50 and D36.25 against the Pound Sterling and Euro respectively.

In the parallel market, when compared to last week’s close, the Dalasi remained
unchanged against the Dollar and the Euro.It appreciated by 25bututs against
the pound sterling and was quoted at D40.00


Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.83
Sterling 41.50
Euro 36.25
CFA 275.00


Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.75
Sterling 40.00
Euro 36.25
CFA 270.00

Dalasi & Butut: Gambian market update

3-yr Bond Under-subscribed

The 3-yr fixed coupon bond which was introduced on 24th February 2010 was undersubscribed by 50 per cent. Only D25million of the D50million floated was taken up by investors.

All other instruments on the money market were massively over-subscribed at this week’s auction. The 91-day bill was over-subscribed by 80 per cent, loosing 65bps and was quoted at 10 per cent. Its counterpart – the 91-day (S/S) was quoted at 10.47% having lost 3bps on the previous week’s price.

The bill was over-subscribed by 190.25 per cent. The 182-day bill and the 1-year bond were quoted at 11.00 per cent and 12.90 per cent respectively having lost 61bps and 9bps respectively on the previous week’s prices.

Currency Market Updates

On the Interbank, the Dalasi gained 70bututs against the pound sterling and was quoted at D41.75. Against the Euro, it was quoted at D36.30, a gain of 25bututs. It remained unchanged against the CFA franc but lost 35bututs against the dollar to end the week at D27.15.

On the parallel currency market, the Dalasi remained unchanged against the dollar and the pound sterling. It gained 162butus and 750butus against the Euro and CFA franc respectively.

Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 27.15
Pound 41.75
Euro 36.30
CFA 285.00

Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.75
Pound 42.50
Euro 37.38
CFA 272.50

The Monetary Policy Committee of the Central Bank of The Gambia (MPC) released a press statement on 24th February 2010. The MPC maintained the Rediscount rate at 14 per cent.

The Committee expects economic activity to evolve during the year supported by the expected partial recovery in tourism and remittances, and robust growth in agriculture. The statement also disclosed that at the end of January 2010, gross international reserves totalled US$183.30m, equivalent to 7.2months of import cover.

End-period inflation measured by the National Consumer Price Index (NCPI) has been rising from 2.4 per cent in September 2009, to 2.7 per cent in December 2009 to 3.6% in January 2010. However, annual average inflation fell to 4.3 per cent in January 2010 compared to 5.6 per cent in September 2009.

Dalasi and Butut: Central Bank issue 3 year coupon bond

The Central Bank of The Gambia on behalf of the Gambia Government Tuesday issue a 3-year fixed coupon bond. The bond will be denominated in Dalasi and will be issued at
par. The bond shall be issued at a fixed coupon rate of 14.5%p.a. The fixed coupon rate shall carry throughout the term of the security.

The minimum bid will be GMD5.0million in multiples of GMD50,000.00. At the week’s auction, all the tenures with the exception of the 91-day (s/s) were massively over- subscribed. The 91/day bill lost 31bps, the 182/day 38bps and the 1 year note 45bps to close the week at 10.65%, 11.61% and 12.99% respectively.

Dalasi Directionless

The local currency had mixed fortunes on the interbank and parallel markets. Whilst it appreciated on the Interbank market, gaining 105butus against the pound sterling and 167bututs against the Euro, on the Parallel Market, it depreciated against all the major currencies. It lost 17butus against the U.S. Dollar, 38bututs against the Pound Sterling and 20butus against the Euro.


Dalasi Interbank Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.80
Pound 42.45
Euro 36.55
CFA 285.00

Parallel Mid Exchange Rates

Dollar 26.75
Pound 43.63
Euro 39.70
CFA 295.00

Gambia Gets Over US$7 Million From IMF

The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Friday completed the sixth review of the Gambia’s economic performance under a program supported by the Extended Credit Facility (ECF).

by PK Jarju

The Board also approved a waiver for the nonobservance of the fiscal performance criterion based on corrective actions, notably the government’s 2010 budget approved by the National Assembly, which aims for a near-zero basic balance. The Board’s decision allows the government to request a further disbursement amounting to SDR 2.0 million (about US$ 3.0million), bringing total disbursements under the ECF to the Gambia to SDR 20.2 million (about US$30.8 million).

The Executive Board also approved an extension for one year and an augmentation by SDR 4.67 million (about US$ 7.1 million) of The Gambia's ECF arrangement, originally approved on February 21, 2007.

At the conclusion of the Executive Board's discussion on The Gambia, Mr. Murilo Portugal, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, stated:
“The Gambian authorities are pursuing satisfactory economic policies that have contributed to robust economic growth and low inflation. However, even after extensive debt relief, The Gambia remains at high risk of debt distress. High yields on Treasury Bills—largely as a result of fiscal slippages and the government’s recourse to domestic borrowing—have added to the domestic debt burden. The government’s efforts to strengthen its debt management strategy are, therefore, welcome. Until the debt burden is reduced, it will remain important to continue to limit external borrowing to highly concessional loans.

“The government’s budget for 2010 appropriately targets a near-zero basic balance that will return The Gambia to a path of declining domestic debt. Fiscal restraint will ease pressure on T-Bill yields and eventually generate fiscal savings for other spending priorities. Disciplined budget execution will be key to achieve these results, and the government’s new action plan to improve public financial management will help achieve such discipline.

“The authorities are committed to maintain low inflation and to take steps to ease pressure on interest rates. The reinforced banking supervisory framework, including the phased-in increase in the minimum capital requirement, will contribute to ensuring continued soundness in the banking system.”

Independence? What Independence?

By Baba Galleh Jallow

In a classic work of historical and political theory, the German philosopher of history Reinhart Koselleck discourses a “space of experience” and “horizon of expectation” that may be used to chart the trajectory of historical evolution. Koselleck suggests that the past, the present, and the future are all part of a single movement of historical time within which society is embedded. Today’s “space of experience” was yesterday’s “horizon of expectation.” In other words, all human actions in the present are informed by past experience and motivated by future expectation. It is within this framework of historical temporality that I propose to examine the idea of African independence, which, I will argue, represents a myth for the great majority of Africans on the continent.

During the colonial period, nationalist leaders and their peoples shared a common horizon of expectation as a result of their common interest in ending colonial rule. This horizon of expectation was one of freedom from colonial oppression and the attainment of human dignity for all. Both leaders and people looked forward to a day when they shall all be free and equal, when exploitation and political oppression shall be a thing of the past, when together, they shall forge a nation of sovereign, proud and independent peoples. Their common space of experience under colonial rule was one of blatant abuse and near bondage to the whims, caprices and interests of a distant power that had no interest in the advancement of African peoples, in spite of loud protestations to the contrary. Thus, the struggle for independence was waged on a manifesto of freedom and equality that held lofty promises of emancipation for the peoples of the colonies.

Today, about five decades later, the bright horizon of expectation for which ordinary people struggled remains elusive. Millions of people across the continent remain oppressed, in some cases, more oppressed than their forbears and ancestors were by the colonial powers. The horizon of expectation ostensibly shared by the nationalist leaders and the people remains real for the people, but now represents a horizon of fear and insecurity for their leaders. Ideas of freedom and equality that were deployed to fight colonial rule have become taboo to the eyes, ears, and minds of African leaders because they threaten their power and privileges.

Like the colonial rulers before them, African leaders of the post-colonial period have no intention of facilitating the realization of a society of free and equal citizens. Capitalizing on the alleged otherness of African people that make them incapable and unsuited for living in a world of equality and freedom on one hand, and choosing to perpetuate the oppressive culture of the colonial system on the other hand, African leaders of the post-independence era continue to treat their peoples as if they are still colonized. And indeed they are – by their own pockets of greedy political cliques whose only interest is the perpetuation of their own selfish agendas.

The evidence for an argument against the reality of true independence for African peoples is overwhelming. The very structures of the colonial state remain in place. Even the buildings and residences of the colonial governments continue to be occupied, unchanged, by most African governments. The boundaries, divisions and districts demarcated by the colonial rulers remain largely unchanged. And the coercive methods and approaches deployed to oppress the African people have simply been rendered more efficient at what it does, and redeployed against the African people.

Poorly trained and armed colonial security forces have been replaced by brutal professional militaries, secret police and insidious surveillance mechanisms - all of these placed at the beck and calling of the a state whose arch enemies have become its very own people. Indeed, one can talk of a “war against society” that has been consistently waged by African governments against their peoples since the departure of the European colonizers. Rather than becoming the agent of peace and freedom for its people, the African state has become a brutal agent of conflict and bondage for its people.

Across the continent, ineffectual governments headed by brutal dictators make it a point to whip up public euphoria every now and then in the name of independence celebrations. Ironically, some of the most telling marks of colonial rule are displayed during these celebrations.

The president, who has conveniently replaced the colonial governor and monarch, perches on a high platform, bedecked in shining garb often glittering with the insignia of naked power. Behind him stand stone-faced and aggressive bodyguards to protect him from his own people. Around him are ranged the various dignitaries and privileged cream – often all rotten to the core – of an oppressed society.

For hundreds of meters below the elevated platform of the powerful and the privileged, the powerless and often sadly clueless crowds yell and gaze at the performance of banal power, to the accompaniment of ear splitting drumming and dancing in praise of an equally clueless despot. And then the ceremonies begin. The various symbols of the imperial spectacle - those archaic invented neo-traditions of the colonial system, originally designed to showcase the power of the colonial monarch and condition the minds of the subject peoples to unquestioning loyalty – are now deployed in even greater grandeur.

The army and police bands come marching in perfect order, beating their booming drums, and blowing their sonorous trombones to the accompaniment of clapping shiny boots. Ahead of them marches the master sergeant with the swishing sword shouting oh hoch! Making the soldiers and police turn their eyes right and salute that fat, grinning embodiment of banal state power.

After these come the school children holding their institutional banners and also doing the eyes right! Then come the scouts and all the other uniformed symbols of fake sovereignty. After the march past, everyone stands erect and the national anthem is sung, now replacing God Save the King! And then the president-cum-monarch gives his address to the nation in which he extols the prowess of the African peoples in defeating colonialism and attaining independence – an independence that for millions of ordinary Africans remains a very insidious myth – a socially useful lie that is deployed as occasion demands for the convenience of the new oppressors.

Independence is about much more than the building of schools, hospitals, universities, roads, televisions, radio stations, telecommunications facilities, and other institutions that are now cited as signs of sovereign development. In time, the colonial powers would have built these anyway. They would have had to. They had done so elsewhere.

Independence, above everything else, suggests independence from oppression; it suggests freedom of expression and association –freedom from fear of the state; it suggests the right of the people to better living conditions; it suggests, above all perhaps, the existence of a state whose primary role is that of servant to the enlightened and empowered people of a sovereign nation. In short, independence requires strict adherence to all those lofty ideals for which the African people demanded freedom from colonial bondage, which are ensconced in all our national constitutions and which, sadly, are conveniently by-passed and neglected by those who claim to be governing in the name of the oppressed African people. Short of this, independence remains a very ugly myth – a socially useful lie – for the overwhelming majority of African peoples across the continent.

Copenhagen ’s climate finance – six key questions

Press release:

Unanswered questions threaten to breed mistrust in the promises of climate-change funding that governments made in the Copenhagen Accord at December’s UN summit, says a paper published today by the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED).

In the Copenhagen Accord developed countries pledged US$30 billion over the three years from 2010 to 2013 and US$100 billion a year from 2020, for developing countries to tackle climate change.

“However, it is far from clear where the funding will come from, if it is genuinely new and additional, and how it will be allocated and channelled?,” says co-author Saleemul Huq, a senior fellow in IIED’s climate change group. “The paper raises six key questions that will need to be answered.”

Huq’s co-authors are Timmons Roberts, who is Director of Environmental Studies at Brown University in the United States , and Martin Stadelmann, a researcher at the Center for International and Comparative Studies, ETH and University of Zurich , Switzerland .

"Critics are claiming that much of the promise made at Copenhagen will be met with 'recycled aid,' says Roberts.

"Too many treaties have faltered as promises go unmet, and we cannot afford this to happen with climate change,” he adds. “To meet these critics there needs to be much broader discussion of what should count as climate finance, and how it will be monitored and tracked."

'Sexercise' yourself into shape

The NHS has some new advice for people struggling to schedule a fitness routine into their daily lives - a workout between the sheets.

According to the NHS Direct website, "sexercise" can lower the risk of heart attacks and helps people live longer.

Endorphins released during orgasm stimulate immune system cells, which also helps target illnesses like cancer, as well as wrinkles, it states.

Sexual health experts said such claims could not be scientifically proven.

"It's good to see the NHS are promoting sexual wellbeing," Dr Melissa Sayer told the Guardian newspaper.

"Yes, there is evidence that sex has benefits for mental wellbeing, but to say there is a link with reduced risk of heart disease and cancer is taking the argument too far."

NHS Direct, however, told the paper the content was "backed by science and clinical evidence" and "isn't just a bit of fun".

'Regular romps'

The advice, published under the headline "Get more than zeds in bed", is one of several sexual health-related articles to be found on the NHS Direct website.

Sex with a little energy and imagination provides a workout worthy of an athlete, the article says.


"Forget about jogging round the block or struggling with sit-ups.

"Sex uses every muscle group, gets the heart and lungs working hard, and burns about 300 calories an hour."

The advice suggests "regular romps this winter" could lead to a better body and a younger look.

Increased production of endorphins "will make your hair shine and your skin smooth," it adds.

"If you're worried about wrinkles - orgasms even help prevent frown lines from deepening."

The article goes on to say that orgasms release "painkillers" into the bloodstream, which helping keep mild illnesses like colds and aches and pains at bay.

The production of extra oestrogen and testosterone hormones "will keep your bones and muscles healthy, leaving you feeling fabulous inside and out".

BBC

2009 the bloodiest year for African journalists since 2000

2009 has been the bloodiest year for media professionals killed in the line of duty worldwide since 1992, and has seen the highest death toll for journalists in Sub-Saharan Africa in this decade, according to an annual analysis of media fatalities worldwide released today by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). In a week marking the anniversaries of the unsolved murders of journalists Norbert Zongo of Burkina Faso and Gambian Deyda Hydara, the report denotes that none of the perpetrators of the 2009 journalist murder cases have been brought to justice.



In Sub-Saharan Africa, 12 journalists have been murdered in direct relation to their work this year, just one less loss of life than the heavy toll recorded in 1999, which was largely caused by Sierra Leone ’s civil war. This time, Somalia’s ongoing conflict claimed the most victims, but other journalists were murdered while investigating local corruption in Nigeria and Kenya or covering the political crisis in Madagascar. CPJ is investigating the cases of two other journalists in Republic of Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo to determine whether their deaths were related to journalism.



In Somalia, nine local journalists were murdered or killed in combat situations. Throughout 2009, violent Islamist extremists waged a terror campaign against the Somali press, threatening and murdering journalists and seizing news outlets. “The nine deaths in Somalia are a tremendous loss for the tiny band of journalists who risk their lives every day just by stepping out into the street,” said CPJ Deputy Director Robert Mahoney, who helps oversee CPJ advocacy in the region. “Their courageous reporting exposes them not just to crossfire and random violence but to targeted killing by insurgents who want to control the message.”



Worldwide, at least 68 journalists were killed for their work in 2009, the highest yearly tally ever documented by CPJ. This figure was largely due to an election-related slaughter of more than 30 media workers in the Philippine province of Maguindanao , the deadliest event for the press in CPJ history. The worldwide tally surpasses the previous record of 67 deaths, recorded in 2007 when violence in Iraq was pervasive and media fatalities there were common. CPJ is still investigating 20 other journalist deaths worldwide in 2009 to determine whether they were work-related.



“This has been a year of unprecedented devastation for the world’s media, but the violence also confirms long-term trends,” said CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon . “Most of the victims were local reporters covering news in their own communities. The perpetrators assumed, based on precedent, that they would never be punished. Whether the killings are in Iraq or the Philippines , in Russia or Mexico , changing this assumption is the key to reducing the death toll.”



The enormity of the Philippine massacre is unparalleled. Twenty-nine journalists and two support workers were among the 57 people brutally murdered in a November ambush motivated by political clan rivalries. The deadliest prior event for the press came in Iraq in October 2006, when 11 employees of Al-Shaabiya television were killed in an attack on the station’s Baghdad studios, CPJ research shows.



The Maguindanao killings, while extreme, reflect the deep-seated climate of impunity in the Philippines , where long-term law enforcement and political failures have led to high numbers of journalist murders and low rates of convictions over two decades. For two years running, CPJ has identified the Philippines as one of the world’s worst nations in combating violence against the press.



Four journalists were killed in Pakistan during the year, among them Musa Khankhel, a local television reporter known for his critical coverage. Abducted while covering a peace march in a militant-controlled area near the town of Matta , Khankel was tortured and then shot repeatedly.



As in past years, murder was the leading cause of work-related deaths in 2009. At least 50 journalists were targeted and slain in retaliation for their work, representing about three-quarters of the deaths in 2009. Eleven journalists were killed in crossfire while in combat situations, while seven died while covering dangerous assignments such as police raids or street protests.



Many of the deadliest nations for the press in 2009 have long-term records of violence against journalists and high rates of impunity in those attacks.



Three journalists were murdered in Russia, which has had a high media fatality rate over two decades. The 2009 victims included Abdulmalik Akhmedilov, a Dagestani editor who sharply criticized government officials for suppressing religious and political dissent. He was found shot, contract-style, in his car. In September, CPJ issued a report, Anatomy of Injustice, examining the high number of unsolved journalist murders in Russia , prompting government pledges to re-examine several cases.



Two journalists were slain in both Mexico and Sri Lanka. In Durango state, Mexico , assailants abducted crime reporter Eliseo Barrón Hernández from his home as his wife and two young daughters watched. His body, a gunshot wound to the head, was found the next day in an irrigation ditch. Barrón had just broken a story about police corruption.



Here are other trends and details that emerged in CPJ’s analysis:



Ø The 2009 toll is up more than 60 percent from the 42 deaths recorded in 2008.



Ø All but two of the 2009 victims were local journalists. While local reporters have long been more vulnerable to deadly violence than their foreign counterparts, the divide has never been wider in CPJ’s annual assessment.



Ø Print journalists constituted 56 percent of the toll, indicating that print media continue to play a front-line role in reporting the news in dangerous situations. Although CPJ research has found a notable decline in the number of print journalists in jail, it has charted no comparable drop in fatalities among print reporters, editors, and photographers.



Ø In addition to the murders in Maguindanao, CPJ recorded three other work-related deaths in the Philippines in 2009. In all, 32 journalists and two support workers were killed in the country during the year.



Ø Two journalists died of neglect or mistreatment while imprisoned on work-related charges. Novruzali Mamedov died in an Azerbaijani prison after being denied adequate medical care, while Iranian blogger Omidreza Mirsayafi died in Evin Prison under circumstances that were never fully explained.



Ø At least two journalists were reported missing during the year, one in Mexico and the other in Yemen .



Ø Nine freelance journalists were among the 2009 victims. The proportion of freelancers was consistent with past years.



Ø Other places with media fatalities were: Afghanistan, Colombia, El Salvador, Indonesia, Kenya, Madagascar, Nepal, Nigeria, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and Venezuela.



CPJ began compiling detailed records on all journalist deaths in 1992. CPJ staff members apply strict criteria for each entry; researchers independently investigate and verify the circumstances behind each death. CPJ considers a case work-related only when its staff is reasonably certain that a journalist was killed in direct reprisal for his or her work; in crossfire; or while carrying out a dangerous assignment.



If the motives in a killing are unclear, but it is possible that a journalist died in relation to his or her work, CPJ classifies the case as “unconfirmed” and continues to investigate. CPJ’s list does not include journalists who died from illness or were killed in accidents—such as car or plane crashes—unless the crash was caused by hostile action. Other press organizations using different criteria cite higher numbers of deaths than CPJ.



CPJ’s database of journalists killed for their work in 2009 includes capsule reports on each victim and a statistical analysis. CPJ also maintains a database of all journalists killed since 1992. A final list of journalists killed in 2009 will be released in early January.

IPI Calls on Jammeh to Find Hydara's Killers

By Naomi Hunt, Press Freedom Advisor for Africa & the Middle East

VIENNA, 16 December 2009: Today marks the fifth anniversary of the brutal murder of Deyda Hydara, editor and co-founder of the Point daily newspaper in Gambia. Hydara was fatally shot by unknown attackers on 16 December 2004. The murderers remain at large.

Disturbingly, Gambian President Yahya Jammeh seems uninterested in pursuing the murderers. In June this year, he told reporters that his government "has for long been accused by the international community and so-called human rights organizations for the murder of Deyda Hydara, but we have no stake in this issue." Referring to the online version of the Point, he added, "And up to now one of these stupid websites carries "Who Killed Deyda Hydara"? Let them go and ask Deyda who killed him."

When the Gambia Press Union (GPU) issued a statement in response to President Jammeh's June comments, six journalists including the Point's editor-in-chief, Pap Saine, were charged and eventually found guilty of six counts of seditious publication and criminal defamation, and sentenced to two years in prison. They were later pardoned by the president at the start of the holy month of Ramadan. At the time, IPI welcomed their release but noted that the courts should have rejected the case out of hand rather than relying on the "arbitrary mercy" of the president.

In a statement issued today, the GPU remained defiant: "To those who brutally murdered Deyda Hydara, you have failed miserably in your evil design to silence the voice of truth. Your criminal act has in fact turned his voice into a universal voice of truth and a universal voice of condemnation of evil and injustice."

According to information gathered for the IPI Justice Denied campaign, which highlights this and other cases of impunity, Hydara was killed as he made his way home from work this evening five years ago. The journalist was driving his colleagues Isatou Jagne and Niansarang Jobe home from a celebration of the Point's 13th anniversary. When they reached Sankung Sillah Street, a man in the passenger seat of a passing car shot at Hydara, who was killed instantly by bullets fired into his head and chest. His colleagues were wounded in the attack: Jagne was hit in the ankle, and Jobe in the knee.

Jagne, who managed to scramble from the car before it landed in a ditch, sought help from police officers at a nearby station. She and her colleague were taken to the police station and, after refusing to issue statements, were brought to a Banjul hospital. They flew to Dakar, Senegal for medical treatment and, fearing for their safety, have since refused to disclose their location.

It is widely believed that Hydara was murdered in connection with his work. In his last published article for The Point, he announced plans to challenge two controversial laws that had been introduced two days earlier: the Criminal Code (Amendment) Bill 2004, which imposes prison sentences for press offences such as defamation and sedition; and the Newspaper (Amendment) Bill 2004, which requires expensive operating licenses and obligates newspaper owners to register their homes as security for the payment of any fines.

The "Green Boys," an officially disbanded youth group from the radical wing of the ruling Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC), are suspected of involvement in the killing. The group was tied to threats made against Alagi Yorro Jallow, founding editor of the Independent, who was forced to flee the country for fear of his life after Hydara's murder. Hydara had reportedly received an anonymous letter some months before his death, threatening to "teach a very good lesson" to President Jammeh's critics.

"On this sad anniversary, IPI calls on President Yahya Jammeh to ensure that the murderers of Deyda Hydara are finally pursued and brought to justice," said IPI Director David Dadge. "The press freedom situation in the Gambia is bleak, but Deyda Hydara remains a symbol for other brave Gambian journalists who try to do their job by reporting the news and revealing the truth."

The Gambian authorities have notoriously little respect for press freedom. Pap Saine, surviving editor and co-founder of the Point, has faced numerous frivolous and expensive law suits in the past. Another journalist, Chief Ebrima Manneh, was arrested by National Intelligence Agency (NIA) operatives in 2006 and has not been heard from since; the Gambian government has ignored an ECOWAS Community Court order to disclose his whereabouts and release him from prison. The Court is also hearing a case brought on behalf of former Independent editor-in-chief Musa Saidykhan, who claims he was tortured during his detention by the NIA in 2006.